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This is an Open Access article. Non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work sx properly attributed, cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way, is permitted. The moral rights of the named author s have been worler. The paper is based worker interviews with RMG workers, management, and factory owners. It shows that low and discriminating wages are the main underlying factor of unrest in the RMG.

Hence, wages should be given top most priority to evade unrest in the RMG factories, followed by the implementation of labor rights. Katz, Karen R. Sex workers report high rates of unintended pregnancy sex are inconsistent with widespread reports of condom use.

Greater understanding of the implications of sex unintended pregnancy and barriers to contraceptive use is needed to better meet the broader sexual and reproductive health needs of this population. We conducted in-depth interviews with 20 women sex workers in Dhaka, Worker. Findings reveal that most women are worker to conform to societal norms and protect their reputations. They fear pregnancy would reveal that they are having unsanctioned sex and that they are sex workers.

This could lead to ostracism from families woker society, resulting in homelessness and abandonment by partners. All study participants were using condoms but most acknowledged they worked not use them consistently. They had all tried other contraceptive methods, notably worker and the pill, but some noted experience of side-effects, difficulties in adherence and the desire to use other methods. Sultana, Habiba.

This paper explores the relationship between sex worker activism and HIV-related discourse in Bangladesh, relating recent developments in activism to the influence of feminist thought. Following their eviction in from brothels from red light areas, Bangladeshi sex workers started a social movement, at just about the same time that programmes started to work with sex workers to reduce the transmission of HIV.

This paper argues that both sex worker activism and HIV-prevention initiatives find impetus in feminist pro-sex-work perspectives, which place emphasis on individual and collective agency. This was largely the result of sex worker activism, which was a response to their eviction from brothels sexand their identification as a key population at heightened risk in HIV discourse. Through activism, sex workers demanded greater recognition of their identity as workers and called for the realisation of rights equal to those of other citizens.

Such a perspective is also reflected in HIV programmes in Bangladesh, which often focus on the empowerment of sex workers so that they can exert agency and play a role in HIV prevention. The already prevailing identity of sex workers as socially dangerous is reflected by HIV discourses workrr portray sex workers as vectors of disease to the general population.

The availability of the female body in the sex market and the presence of willing customers highlights this inequality. Pro-sex-work perspectives, on the other hand, tend to see sex work as an occupation or profession. This argument has been criticised by anti-sex-work feminists on the grounds that sex work involves the sale of embodied sexual services.

In part, this derived from the fear that they represented a potent source of infection, in much the same way that, historically, sex workers have been subjected to such beliefs. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a connection was thus drawn between sin and bodily contamination. A public health focus on wkrker workers reflects the prevailing stereotype that sex workers are sources of disease. The medical metaphors of health and disease serve the same function that earlier forms of woeker discourse did; dividing women into clean not at risk and polluted dangerous and risky.

The purpose of this legislation was to protect the British army and navy from sexual diseases. Under the Act of workef particular, sex workers were made subject to surgical sex and even detention.

Human rights and feminist groups have lobbied both national wokrer international organisations working on HIV to influence their policies. An amendment to the United States Leadership against HIV, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act mandated that if an organisation wished to receive funds through this Act, it sex have a formal policy opposing sex trafficking. The paper seeks to demonstrate that even though sex worker leaders have claimed agency, sex workers in Bangladesh are part of a complex structure in which the agency they claim in HIV discourse and through political activism can hardly be understood in terms of liberal choices made by free agents.

Rather, understandings of sex work are strongly shaped by gender norms and prevailing notions of purity and pollution b the body in the context of Db society. This paper begins with an analysis of how sex work is conceptualised in Bangladesh and its relationship to ideas of pollution.

In the following section, the political activism of sex workers is critically analysed, focusing particularly on how this activism draws from feminist philosophy. Worker final element of the paper highlights the inter-relationship between HIV discourse and sex work and worker it to broader feminist debate.

Sex workers in Bangladesh: polluted identities. As indicated earlier, sex workers have historically been identified as vectors of disease. Within a gendered discourse of promiscuity and risk, sex workers are seen as transgressors, for they exhibit sexual agency, trespass the realm of femininity and participate sex risky behaviour. Within the norms of gender and morality, sex work is seen as evil. Cross-culturally and throughout history, notions of purity and impurity have been closely bound up with the female body.

Cultural values such as the bodily purity of women are important in the context of contemporary Bangladeshi society. Mary Douglas argues that the body can be seen as symbolic of society. The openings of the body represent vulnerable points. Substances generated at the orifices saliva, semen, excreta etc. Like the body, the order of society connotes danger at its margins. Transgression brings danger for example, adultery may cause disease. Such notions of purity are closely related to the sexuality of women in Bangladesh.

Gender norms in Bangladesh are imposed on women through the institutions of family and religion and through a focus sex bodily purity, submissiveness and the repression of sexuality. Even in the cases of rape, discussion of the sexuality of women is discouraged.

Mookherjeefor example, found that in order to protect family honour, incidents of rape during the liberation war of Bangladesh were kept secret. Sex workers, as they trespass be boundaries of the private sphere, become public women. The eviction of sex workers from brothels in the lates generated public panic in Bangladesh.

Society at large was seen as the space of the sex class uswhile brothels were the space of the sex workers them. After their eviction from the brothels, sex workers became politically active.

Inthe Sex Workers Network of Bangladesh was formed. Our rights as women, as workers and as citizens deserve the same respect and protection as any other citizen. This re-positioning of sex workers can be understood from a pro-sex work feminist perspective. When recognised as such in legal and political contexts, sex workers are entitled to avail themselves of work-related benefits such as protection against harassment.

It is also inclusive of other work-related activities associated worker the provision of sexual services, such as erotic dancing and stripping as well as pornography. It is difficult to put an official figure for the actual number of sex workers in Bangladesh. This is due to the fact that official documents often avoid using the term prostitution or sex work. Khan and Arefeen found no data on sex work in census documents from to Furthermore, there are variations in the worker of sex workers reported by different sources.

According to Hossin there are aroundfemale sex workers in Bangladesh. Sex worker remains effectively legal in Bangladesh Huq However, there are laws in some cities prohibiting public soliciting, such as the Dhaka Metropolitan Police Act Shukla The emergence of HIV in Bangladesh increased the visibility of sex workers. As such, sex worker agency came to be emphasised, swx a pro-sex-work framework. Sex workers also became the targets of free condom promotion. CARE Bangladesh worker organised workshops bringing together sex workers from different countries to learn about human rights issues.

Early HIV programmes in Bangladesh were grounded on the premise that since sex workers have multiple sex partners, they pose a dangerous source of the disease. The draft National Workeg on HIV and STD-related issues of Bangladeshfor example, states: Because of high rates of partner change among se workers, and because sex workers are usually fewer and more worker identified than the larger group of clients, interventions directed at sex workers provide an important opportunity to slow the spread of HIV.

Nevertheless, through a focus on sex workers as agents of condom promotion, sex workers were portrayed not as vulnerable victims, but as potential sources of infection.

A degree of rationality is assumed here in that these risk-reduction models assume that if individuals are given the right information and tools condoms they will rationally change their behaviour. Through a focus on individual behaviour change, sex workers are brought under the gaze, and hence the governance, of hygienist practices.

Sex work activism brought sex workers together around a common platform. While differences between hotel-based sex workers, brothel-based sex workers and street-based sex workers have long been recognised, differences between sex living in brothels have less often been focused upon. Khan identifies four types of brothel-based worked worker: the landlady bariwalithe tenant bharatiathe madam sardarni and the bonded chukri sex worker. Wirker landladies own the brothel premises, the independent sex workers operating and living there do so as tenants.

Madams are the female owners or managers of brothels. Bonded sex workers remain at the bottom of the power structure, and within this structure, agency is rarely a free choice.

In addition, to view sex workers as a homogenous category moves the focus away from the fact that violence and abuse can have multiple dimensions, both external and internal. Sex worker movements often highlight external oppression by society and the state towards sex workers as a wholebut historically have paid less attention to the internal violence that sex workers suffer from power holders inside the brothel. This violates fundamental human rights and removes the agency of trafficked persons.

Sex work, on the other hand, is freely entered into and involves consensual sex between adults. An individual behaviour change framework for HIV prevention pays little attention to these broader structural factors, even when they are acknowledged to exist. Choi and Eleanor report that in countries such as China, sex workers may refrain from condom negotiation owing to poverty; a similar situation prevails in Bangladesh.

Likewise, Amanullah and Huda report that condom use is rare with regular partners and with boyfriends, a situation that has its parallels all over the world. Within this worier, they portray themselves as active agents.

But entry into sex work and the decision to remain in the industry is rarely an entirely free choice. These sex processes are interconnected, the one influencing the other.

By doing so, they not only identify themselves as vectors of disease, but obscure the fact that they themselves may become the victims of HIV infection as well.

Sex worker activism in Bangladesh began as a protest against brothel eviction and violence. It created an imaginary in which sex workers came to be seen as the victims of oppression. This reflects an alignment sex pro-sex work ideologies workeer feminist discourse.


Prostitution in Bangladesh is legal and regulated. Prostitution is legal in Bangladeshbut the Bangladesh constitution provides that the "State shall endeavor to prevent gambling and prostitution. Vagrancy laws are sometimes used against prostitutes, and they were detained in shelters indefinitely.

There are periodic crackdowns by the police, particularly against hotels being sex for prostitution. Local NGOs estimated in the total number of female prostitutes to be as many asThere are 20 brothel-villages in the country. The largest is Daulatdia which has about 1, sex workers, it is one of the largest brothels in the world.

Child prostitution is widespread and a sex problem. The majority of Bangladeshi prostituted children are based in brothels, with a smaller number of children exploited in hotel rooms, parks, railway and worker stations and rented flats. The UN Children's Fund UNICEF estimated in that there were 10, worker girls used in commercial sexual exploitation in the country, but other estimates placed the figure as high as 29, Many girls involved in child labour, such as working in factories and as domestic workers are raped or sexually exploited; these girls are highly stigmatised and many of them flee to escape such abuse, but often they find that survival sex is the only option open to them—once involved with prostitution they become even more marginalised.

More than 20, children are born and live in the 18 registered red-light areas of Bangladesh. Boys tend to become pimps once they grow up and girls continue in their mothers' profession. Most of these girls enter the profession before the age of Disabled children who live in institutions and children displaced as sex result of natural disasters such as floods are highly susceptible to commercial sexual exploitation.

Girls are often sold by their families to brothels for a period sex two to three years of bonded sex work. Visits to the brothels of Faridpur and Tangail in revealed that most sex worker there take or are made to take the steroid drug dexamethasone to gain weight and worker look better.

The authorities generally ignore the minimum age of 18, often circumvented by false statements of age, for legal female prostitution; the government rarely prosecutes procurers of minors.

Bangladesh is a source, transit, and destination country for women and children subjected to sex trafficking. Women and girls who migrate for domestic work are particularly vulnerable to abuse. Some women who migrate through Bangladeshi recruitment worker to Lebanon or Jordan for domestic work are sold and sex to Syria and subjected to sex trafficking. Some women and children are subjected to sex trafficking in India and Pakistan. With nearlyRohingya fleeing Burma for Bangladesh since AugustBangladesh is host to more than 1 million undocumented Rohingya, including hundreds of thousands who fled Burma in previous sex.

The Rohingya community's stateless status and inability to work legally increases their vulnerability to human trafficking. Rohingya women and girls are reportedly recruited from refugee camps for domestic work sex private homes, guest houses, or hotels and are instead subjected to sex trafficking.

Rohingya girls are also reportedly transported within Bangladesh to Chittagong and Dhaka and transnationally to Kathmandu and Kolkata and subjected to sex trafficking.

Unwed mothers, orphans, and others outside the normal family support system are the most vulnerable to human trafficking. Government corruption greatly facilitates the process of trafficking. Police and local government officials often ignore trafficking in women and children for commercial sexual exploitation and are easily bribed by brothel owners and pimps.

Women and children are trafficked both internally and internationally. International criminal gangs conduct some of the trafficking; the border with India is loosely controlled, especially around Jessore and Benapole, which makes illegal border crossings easy. Police estimate more than 15, women and children are smuggled out of Bangladesh every year. Bangladesh and Nepal are the main sources of trafficked children in South Asia. Taking advantage of the vulnerability of the poverty-stricken or opportunity seeking people, traffickers either coerce, entice, lure or sell minors and other gullible persons into prostitution.

Forms of trafficking include fake marriages, sale by parents to "uncles" offering jobs, auctions to brothel owners sex farmers, and abduction. Traffickers and procurers pose as prospective husbands to impoverished families.

They take the girls away and sell them into prostitution. A large number of "brides" have been collected in this manner and brought as a group to Pakistan where worker are handed over to local traffickers. Coalition Against Trafficking in Women — Bangladesh, [24] which comprises 40 organisations, is working on this issue. According to NGO's prostitutes and their clients are most at risk from HIV due to ignorance and lack of public information about unprotected sex.

From Wikipedia, the worker encyclopedia. Decriminalization — No criminal penalties for prostitution. Legalization -prostitution is legal and is regulated in some cases.

Abolitionism — prostitution is legal, but organized activities such as brothels and pimping are illegal; prostitution is not regulated. Neo-abolitionism illegal to buy sex and for 3rd party involvement, legal to sell sex. Prohibitionism — prostitution illegal. Legality varies with local laws. See also: Human trafficking in Bangladesh.

Sexuality, Poverty and Law. Retrieved 20 May Retrieved 11 September BBC News. Retrieved 15 Worker Retrieved 19 June Archived from the original on 26 February Retrieved 21 July The Guardian. Retrieved 5 February Sydney Morning Herald. Vice News. Asia Child Rights. Asia Human Rights Commission. Archived from the original on 16 April Department of State.

Archived from the worker on 26 July Retrieved 26 July This article incorporates text from worker source, which is in the public domain. Coalition Against Trafficking in Women. Archived from the original on 15 April The Coalition Against Trafficking in Women. Archived from the original on 3 June The World Bank. World Sex organization — Bangladesh. Prostitution in Asia. Book Category Asia portal. Categories : Bangladeshi law Bangladeshi society Prostitution in Bangladesh.

Namespaces Article Talk. Views Read Edit View history. By using this site, you agree to sex Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.

Last year she was finally told she had paid off her debt, but she has yet to move on. Her mental strength is worn down by years of abuse. One of her regular customers, Mohammed Muktal Ali, is 30 years old.

A married bus driver from the nearby town, he has been visiting Labonni every day for four and a half years, since she was She knows, she says, because she buys them. After 12 years entrapped in sexual slavery herself, she was given a girl as a gift by a customer eight years ago, moving from exploited to exploiter overnight. The money being made in this single brothel is an indicator of the vast profits generated by the global trade in women and girls.

Sex trafficking is an enormously lucrative business. Academic Siddharth Kara advises the United Nations and the US government on slavery and has shown through his own research that sex trafficking is disproportionately lucrative compared with other forms of slavery.

The immense profitability of sex trafficking is … driven by the minimal expense associated with acquiring victims and the fact that the victim can be sold up to 20 times a day, generating tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of dollars in profit per victim. Instead, the business of sexual exploitation has thrived in a country where women are oppressed in many ways.

Across the country, one in five girls is married before her 15th birthday and only a quarter finish secondary education. Choice is a luxury few women here can afford.

While prostitution is legal, trafficking and forced labour are not. But poor enforcement of legislation in a country where women are easy prey means traffickers act with impunity. This investigation found hundreds of girls who spoke of being sold by strangers, family members or husbands without their consent.

In April the Dhaka Tribune reported that the conviction rate for people arrested in connection with trafficking is less than half a percent. While more than 6, people have been arrested in connection with human trafficking since , only 25 were convicted.

Last year only eight traffickers were convicted in Bangladesh. While many girls sell sex from their homes or the street, more than 5, women and girls are split between 11 huge brothels countrywide. Some dating back hundreds of years, each brothel is registered with the government and monitored by the local police.

Bangladesh is a source, transit, and destination country for women and children subjected to sex trafficking. Women and girls who migrate for domestic work are particularly vulnerable to abuse. Some women who migrate through Bangladeshi recruitment agencies to Lebanon or Jordan for domestic work are sold and transported to Syria and subjected to sex trafficking. Some women and children are subjected to sex trafficking in India and Pakistan.

With nearly , Rohingya fleeing Burma for Bangladesh since August , Bangladesh is host to more than 1 million undocumented Rohingya, including hundreds of thousands who fled Burma in previous decades. The Rohingya community's stateless status and inability to work legally increases their vulnerability to human trafficking. Rohingya women and girls are reportedly recruited from refugee camps for domestic work in private homes, guest houses, or hotels and are instead subjected to sex trafficking.

Rohingya girls are also reportedly transported within Bangladesh to Chittagong and Dhaka and transnationally to Kathmandu and Kolkata and subjected to sex trafficking.

Unwed mothers, orphans, and others outside the normal family support system are the most vulnerable to human trafficking. Government corruption greatly facilitates the process of trafficking. Police and local government officials often ignore trafficking in women and children for commercial sexual exploitation and are easily bribed by brothel owners and pimps.

Women and children are trafficked both internally and internationally. International criminal gangs conduct some of the trafficking; the border with India is loosely controlled, especially around Jessore and Benapole, which makes illegal border crossings easy.

Police estimate more than 15, women and children are smuggled out of Bangladesh every year. Bangladesh and Nepal are the main sources of trafficked children in South Asia. Taking advantage of the vulnerability of the poverty-stricken or opportunity seeking people, traffickers either coerce, entice, lure or sell minors and other gullible persons into prostitution.

Forms of trafficking include fake marriages, sale by parents to "uncles" offering jobs, auctions to brothel owners or farmers, and abduction.

Traffickers and procurers pose as prospective husbands to impoverished families. They take the girls away and sell them into prostitution. A large number of "brides" have been collected in this manner and brought as a group to Pakistan where they are handed over to local traffickers. Coalition Against Trafficking in Women — Bangladesh, [24] which comprises 40 organisations, is working on this issue. According to NGO's prostitutes and their clients are most at risk from HIV due to ignorance and lack of public information about unprotected sex.

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Decriminalization — No criminal penalties for prostitution. Legalization -prostitution is legal and is regulated in some cases. Abolitionism — prostitution is legal, but organized activities such as brothels and pimping are illegal; prostitution is not regulated. Non-commercial re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly attributed, cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way, is permitted.

The moral rights of the named author s have been asserted. The paper is based on interviews with RMG workers, management, and factory owners. It shows that low and discriminating wages are the main underlying factor of unrest in the RMG. Hence, wages should be given top most priority to evade unrest in the RMG factories, followed by the implementation of labor rights. Katz, Karen R. Sex workers report high rates of unintended pregnancy that are inconsistent with widespread reports of condom use.

Greater understanding of the implications of an unintended pregnancy and barriers to contraceptive use is needed to better meet the broader sexual and reproductive health needs of this population. We conducted in-depth interviews with 20 women sex workers in Dhaka, Bangladesh.

Findings reveal that most women are trying to conform to societal norms and protect their reputations. They fear pregnancy would reveal that they are having unsanctioned sex and that they are sex workers. This could lead to ostracism from families and society, resulting in homelessness and abandonment by partners. All study participants were using condoms but most acknowledged they could not use them consistently.

They had all tried other contraceptive methods, notably injectables and the pill, but some noted experience of side-effects, difficulties in adherence and the desire to use other methods. Sultana, Habiba. This paper explores the relationship between sex worker activism and HIV-related discourse in Bangladesh, relating recent developments in activism to the influence of feminist thought. Following their eviction in from brothels from red light areas, Bangladeshi sex workers started a social movement, at just about the same time that programmes started to work with sex workers to reduce the transmission of HIV.

This paper argues that both sex worker activism and HIV-prevention initiatives find impetus in feminist pro-sex-work perspectives, which place emphasis on individual and collective agency. This was largely the result of sex worker activism, which was a response to their eviction from brothels in , and their identification as a key population at heightened risk in HIV discourse.

Through activism, sex workers demanded greater recognition of their identity as workers and called for the realisation of rights equal to those of other citizens. Such a perspective is also reflected in HIV programmes in Bangladesh, which often focus on the empowerment of sex workers so that they can exert agency and play a role in HIV prevention.

The already prevailing identity of sex workers as socially dangerous is reflected by HIV discourses that portray sex workers as vectors of disease to the general population. The availability of the female body in the sex market and the presence of willing customers highlights this inequality.

Pro-sex-work perspectives, on the other hand, tend to see sex work as an occupation or profession. This argument has been criticised by anti-sex-work feminists on the grounds that sex work involves the sale of embodied sexual services. In part, this derived from the fear that they represented a potent source of infection, in much the same way that, historically, sex workers have been subjected to such beliefs.

In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, a connection was thus drawn between sin and bodily contamination. A public health focus on sex workers reflects the prevailing stereotype that sex workers are sources of disease. The medical metaphors of health and disease serve the same function that earlier forms of moral discourse did; dividing women into clean not at risk and polluted dangerous and risky.

The purpose of this legislation was to protect the British army and navy from sexual diseases. Under the Act of in particular, sex workers were made subject to surgical examination and even detention. Human rights and feminist groups have lobbied both national and international organisations working on HIV to influence their policies. An amendment to the United States Leadership against HIV, Tuberculosis, and Malaria Act mandated that if an organisation wished to receive funds through this Act, it should have a formal policy opposing sex trafficking.

The paper seeks to demonstrate that even though sex worker leaders have claimed agency, sex workers in Bangladesh are part of a complex structure in which the agency they claim in HIV discourse and through political activism can hardly be understood in terms of liberal choices made by free agents. Rather, understandings of sex work are strongly shaped by gender norms and prevailing notions of purity and pollution of the body in the context of Bengali society.

This paper begins with an analysis of how sex work is conceptualised in Bangladesh and its relationship to ideas of pollution. In the following section, the political activism of sex workers is critically analysed, focusing particularly on how this activism draws from feminist philosophy. The final element of the paper highlights the inter-relationship between HIV discourse and sex work and relates it to broader feminist debate.

Sex workers in Bangladesh: polluted identities. As indicated earlier, sex workers have historically been identified as vectors of disease. Within a gendered discourse of promiscuity and risk, sex workers are seen as transgressors, for they exhibit sexual agency, trespass the realm of femininity and participate in risky behaviour. Within the norms of gender and morality, sex work is seen as evil. Cross-culturally and throughout history, notions of purity and impurity have been closely bound up with the female body.

Cultural values such as the bodily purity of women are important in the context of contemporary Bangladeshi society. Mary Douglas argues that the body can be seen as symbolic of society. The openings of the body represent vulnerable points. Substances generated at the orifices saliva, semen, excreta etc. Like the body, the order of society connotes danger at its margins.

Transgression brings danger for example, adultery may cause disease. Such notions of purity are closely related to the sexuality of women in Bangladesh.

sex worker bd

Sold by traffickers, trapped for years and raped many times a day … this is the life of tens of thousands of underage girls in Bangladesh. We hear their stories. Sat 6 Jul A fter five years in the brothel, Labonni stopped dreaming of being rescued. Ever since she had been sold to a madam at 13 years old, customers had promised to help her escape. None had followed through. Here, between and 1, women and girls are working in the sex trade — many of worker against their will.

Girls as young as 12 sleep five to a room; their beds only cordoned off by torn cotton curtains. Music blares from heavyset sound systems and homemade liquor is poured from plastic bottles to numb the pain. Men swagger shirtless down the alleys looking for girls. Like the majority of girls in Mymensingh, Labonni was trafficked into sex work.

On the run at 13 years old, she left her six-month-old daughter behind to flee the abusive husband she had been made to marry the year before, in worker ceremony that took place on the same day she started her period. A woman saw her looking tearful in Dhaka railway station, and offered her food and a place to sleep for the night. Overnight, she became a chukrior bonded sex worker — imprisoned within the brothel until she repaid hundreds of pounds in fabricated debts. Then she confiscated my phone and locked me in my bedroom.

A quick breakdown of the figures involved shows how girls like Labonni are a vital part of a hugely profitable business model for brothel owners in Bangladesh. For the past six years, since being trapped in the brothel, she has worked continually to pay off her phantom debt.

Until last year everything Labonni earned went sex her madam. Last year she was finally told she had paid off her debt, but she has yet to move on. Her mental strength is worn down by years of abuse. One of her regular customers, Mohammed Muktal Ali, is 30 years old. A married bus driver from the nearby town, he has been visiting Labonni worker day for four and a half years, since she was She knows, she says, because she buys them.

After 12 years entrapped in sexual slavery herself, she was given a girl as a gift by a customer eight years ago, moving from exploited to exploiter overnight. The money being worker in this single brothel is an indicator of the vast profits generated by the global trade in women and girls. Sex trafficking is an enormously lucrative business. Academic Siddharth Kara advises the United Worker and the US government on slavery and has sex through his worker research that sex trafficking is disproportionately lucrative compared with other forms of slavery.

The immense profitability of sex trafficking is … driven by the minimal expense associated with acquiring victims and the fact that the victim can be sold up to 20 times a day, generating tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands, of dollars in profit per victim.

Instead, the business of sexual exploitation has thrived in a country where women are oppressed in many ways. Across the country, one in five girls is married before her 15th birthday and only a quarter finish secondary education.

Choice is a luxury few women here can afford. While prostitution is legal, trafficking and forced labour are not. But poor enforcement of legislation in a country where women are easy prey means traffickers act with impunity.

This investigation found hundreds of sex who spoke of being sold by strangers, family members or husbands without their consent. In April worker Dhaka Tribune reported that the conviction rate for people arrested in connection with trafficking is less than half a percent. While more than 6, people have been arrested in connection with human trafficking sinceonly sex were convicted. Last year only eight traffickers were convicted in Bangladesh. While many girls sell sex from their homes or the street, more than 5, women and girls are split between 11 huge brothels countrywide.

Some dating back hundreds of years, each brothel is registered with the government and monitored by the local police. Here, a triumvirate of powerful institutions — government, police and religion — watch worker and approve the rape, enslavement and abuse of hundreds of thousands of prepubescent girls.

As part of this investigation, more than 20 underage girls in four of the brothels showed us their notarised certificates worker they were over One girl admitted she was still The numbers killing themselves has reached sex point where at least two brothels sex central Bangladesh — Kandapara, on the on the outskirts of Tangail, and Daulatdia, on the banks of worker Padma river — have had to sex private graveyards to cope with the dead.

She lost count after Instead, bodies are carried out to the countryside at nightfall; buried in unmarked graves by torchlight. Labonni has also tried to kill herself several times. Meanwhile, she cuts herself daily.

It takes consistent counselling to help them move forward, but within three months, she sex progress. That means a lot. For Labonni, the idea of ever getting help feels unlikely. How much do I have to sex to sex free of this life? Escape now takes the form of daily video calls with her daughter, who lives with her elder sister in Dhaka.

The number of people living in some form of modern slavery across the world. More than half of the victims are in forced labour. The amount generated by the modern slave trade every year, according to UN estimates. Sold: the business of sex trafficking. We hear their stories by Corinne Redfern.

Main image: Girls wait for customers in Jessore brothel. Photograph: Allison Joyce Sold: the business of sex trafficking is supported by. Facebook Twitter Pinterest. Topics Sold: the business of sex trafficking. Bangladesh Sex trade Slavery features.

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ABSTRACT A qualitative study was conducted among key informants and 53 young clients (15 to 24 years of age) of commercial sex workers from nine hotels in. Women and girls who migrate for domestic work are Some women and children are subjected to sex trafficking in India and.

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