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Many of us have a strong sense that gender differences are enforced in Japanese culture. I had the experience to,sti crossing to the wrong section of a manga shop in Akihabara and seeming to create some consternation amongst the other patrons.
Yet, in many ways, moe itself involves various kinds of transgressions of gender barriers — men consuming texts created initially for a market of young girls. Can you share with us a bit more about the ways gender is reinforced or transgressed in the moe culture you are describing?
What does moe masculinity look like? Well, because they enjoyed watching manga and anime featuring charismatic sex characters, who they then would imagine sexual relationships between. Their activities are not really that different from the tolsti of slash fiction that you wrote about in Textual Poachers, except that they typically were interested in characters from manga, anime and games rather than live-action TV shows and film. This is simply a reflection of the prevalence of manga and anime in Japan, which provides charismatic swx characters.
Also in line with the prevalence of manga and anime in Japan, these fujoshi tended to draw their fanzines instead of writing textual stories. But aside from growing up tollsti tolsti and anime culture, fujoshi are not so different from slashers.
Indeed, male-male romantic fan-fiction, which is called yaoi in Japan, got started in the late s, which is around the same time that it did in North America and Europe. Too often we ignore the presence of these female fans, despite the fact that some of the earliest records of anime fan clubs date back to Umi no Toriton Triton of the Seawhich tolsfi dominated by female fans, including Kotani Mari.
That is, and Sasakibara is quite clear on this, female fans responding to fictional male characters like Triton are the origin of moe culture. It is perhaps not a surprise that women dominated early attendance of the Comic Market, a central gathering for fanzine buyers and sellers since its founding inor that women led the charge in drawing sexual parodies of manga and anime characters. Men were always behind, late to party and responding to what women were already xex. This is why, in the late s, even as women were pioneering sexual parody fanzines, adult men began to read Ribon, a manga magazine originally intended for young girls.
Take for example Sailor Moon, originally a manga for young girls written tolsti a female artist and serialized in the magazine Nakayoshi. Sailor Moon simply has young women transform into color-coded sailor soldiers to fight evil. It adds a strong dose of melodrama, but its not really so different. Once transformed, the young women wear modified school uniforms with shortened skirts.
Is it any wonder that Sailor Moon attracted male fans when it was adapted into a TV anime in the s? The crossing seems calculated at this point. So, there is certainly a strong tendency to carve the manga and anime market up into target gender and age groups, but there is also a great deal of movement across the boundaries. The presence of adult men at events surrounding the Sailor Moon anime, which is at least ostensibly for young girls, caused some commotion in the sx. Indeed, Mizuko Ito notes a similar discomfort when adults and children came together in the unsupervised environments that sprung up around the Yu-Gi-Oh!
There seems to be a general anxiety about adult men being near children, especially adult men interested in fictional girl characters. Even in Japan, when there is a violent crime involving a child, admittedly rare, it is not uncommon for commentators to point out that the perpetrator was a manga or anime fan. As if that explains anything. I have seen politicians in Japan do this, even pointing to cases where the police have not yet revealed if the media that the suspect consumed was in fact manga and anime or not.
That is, these politicians have said to me, without a trace of irony, that they can assume the connection to manga and anime because the criminal in question was an adult male who harmed a girl child.
These men, we are told, spend too much time with manga and anime and are socially isolated and sexually immature.
They become warped and cannot tell the difference between fiction and reality. Their desire is suspect, as at any moment their benign perversion might transform into predatory sexuality. To,sti is, by virtue of their interest in cute girl characters in manga and anime, these men become suspected sex criminals.
With all of this negative press, conservative forces in Japan are emboldened to attack manga and anime and argue for stricter regulation. To return to the Sailor Moon scene that might have made us uncomfortable, the adult male fans in the room are not there for the children, but rather for the characters of Sailor Moon. Surrounded by children, they are there to see the drawings, hear the voices and get the merchandise.
To conflate desire for the fictional characters with actual children is a gross misunderstanding of Sailor Moon fandom, which potentially makes innocent people suspected criminals. It also ignores that moe toosti a response in relation to fictional characters, which are kept intentionally separate from reality. Such a critique completely misses the point of the word moe. I hope that the interviews will introduce people unfamiliar with manga and anime to the faces of the men and women, both real and fictional, who are so often talked about rather than talked to.
This otlsti over and around Japan, Japanese fans and criticism in Japanese has sex to a seriously biased view of otaku, especially Japanese men who are attracted to fictional girls. There is a lot of room for more nuance. There is no way to raise questions about moe in such an environment. It is in this impossible environment that I decided to focus my interviews on male otaku in Japan. It was a purely strategic decision meant as a response to and intervention into the most reactionary discourses that demonize and criminalize sex and anime fans.
In the future, I hope to do another book focusing on female fans, male characters and moe. Patrick W. Galbraith received a Ph. You also give us a glimpse into the emergence of a generation of Japanese academics who regularly write about moe and otaku culture more generally. Most of this work remains in Japanese, though small samples are starting to get translated into English and have become part of conversations about the global dimensions of fandom.
Who do you see as some of the most important thinkers to emerge from this strand of research and what arguments there do you think are pertinent to western researchers trying to address questions of fandom and media consumption more generally? There are many really fascinating thinkers who in some way or another intersect with otaku tolsi He worked at Kadokawa and Dentsu, a publisher and ad agency, respectively. In Fan Cultures, Matt Hills talks about the need to get beyond the binary approach to fans that can be crudely divided into Frankfurt and non-Frankfurt, production side and consumer side, passive and active, bad and good.
To me, this sounds like an immanent critique of immaterial labor. Fans are active and productive, sure, but for whom does their productive activity generate value? That is not a simple question. How do we work through these sex There are many other thinkers in Japan doing similarly interesting work. From the position of a content folsti, Okada seems to be arguing for education and literacy with the aim of people better understanding and more effectively engaging media.
I think that the introduction of these texts into English would really help to se things up! Two chapters by Okada are included in Debating Otaku in Contemporary Japan, a volume I co-edited that will be out next year, but that is only the beginning.
Tolsti my mind, Hamano and Uno could very easily be brought into sex with thinkers from elsewhere in the world, for example on issues of nationalism and sexism online. One area that I think Japan really excels at is the study of manga, because comics are such a prevalent media form in Japan. Tolsti is much to be said about the sexual politics of this kind of manga and what people do with it.
The potential benefits of translation go the other way, too. Manga studies can be a little insular, for example not even building bridging with comic studies elsewhere in the world, let alone impacting disciplinary discussions on consumption, media and fans. We could say the same thing about otaku studies and fan studies, though there has been progress.
In addition to translating more Japanese tolsti, we might want to try to get a dialogue going whereby critical traditions that are widely accepted in the North American and European academy might invigorate scholarly work in Japan. Your interviewees suggest that initially, at least, manga and anime producers had little awareness of the adult consumers of their property and that when they discovered moe enthusiasts, they still sex to ignore them for the most part to focus on their targets — children.
Is there ssx point at which this changes? The gap between the audience and the content might have been a surprise, but by this point it was clear that manga was not something just for children. In JuneGekkan Out ran a special issue on Space Sex Yamato, which quickly sold out, thus demonstrating the existence of the mature or fan sed.
This in turn led to the founding of tolstl specialty magazines for manga and anime fans. By the time Tomino Yoshiyuki, who directed Umi no Toriton, released his Mobile Tolsi Gundamit was clear that anime sex were here to stay. Famously, the series was far too dark and complex for children, who were alienated from the show and did not buy the toys released by its sponsor, which then pulled the plug on the series.
However, the realistic depictions of politics, war and psychological suffering earned Gundam devoted adult fans, who turned out in droves to buy scaled model kits of the robots featured in the story. This fan activity revived the franchise, tolst was then released theatrically as three films.
With piracy and illegal digital distribution eating into DVD sales overseas, many say that anime is becoming more and more insular, as otaku produce for otaku, who will buy DVDs, merchandise, attend events and so on.
So, adult fans are no longer really a surplus market. What is clear in the history of moe, however, is that male fans responding to cute girl characters in anime was not an entirely expected or welcome development. It seems that Miyazaki was a bit taken aback, and perhaps even angry, when these fans began to produce fanzines about Clarisse, the princess who is saved by Lupin, tolstk master thief.
Unlike Miyazaki, others, for example the female artist Takahashi Tolti, were obviously aiming at the market of adolescent men with works like Urusei Yatsura, tolsti smash-hit manga adapted into an animewhich features Lum, an alien bombshell in a tigerskin bikini who is impossibly in love with a young male loser. But fans were also attracted to series that were not intended for them, for example Magical Princess Minky Momotolxti was supposed to be an extended TV commercial for toys sold to young girls.
Given that Minky Momo and Creamy Mami are similar series with similar target demographics, this shift in perception seems significant. After all, as Nunokawa states, more people supporting the show means greater sales, which is certainly a welcome development. A decade later, in the early s, it seemed like the crossover viewership of young girls and adult men in Sailor Moon was entirely intentional.
These days, shows ostensibly for young girls such as Pretty Cure present and Aikatsu! The magical girl is almost a piece of nostalgia, idiosyncratically kept alive, animated, by the investments of male fans. Anyway, while some would say that the prevalence of the magical girl is a sign of the closed or insular otaku market dedicated to the reproduction of rolsti, which they say is killing new ideas and alienating newcomers, I would simply point out that Madoka is to magical tolsti what Neon Genesis Evangelion is to giant robots — an extremely creative commentary on the genre that took us to a place that animation had not gone before.
What relationship might we posit between moe consumption practices and the emergence of media mix strategies? Many people are talking about the role of the character in media mix strategies. Ian Condry, for example, suggests that affection for characters, the response called moe, is crucial for the spread of media.
A response to what? Well, for many, to fictional characters, which takes us into the realm of moe. Azuma Hiroki and others have pointed out that characters are constructed and placed into stories with the express purpose of triggering an affective response, or moe.
This leads to the construction of moe characters, which have been collectively articulated from affective elements as an assemblage that is likely to get a response from viewers. Tolsto that are cute can be loved — they are constructed to be loved.
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