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Bibliographic Information

This archive sexuality from attempts to frame a Marxist agenda in the study of sexuality at the start of the 21st Century. By Paul Reynolds. Indeed, when discussion focuses on pathologies, discrimination, oppression and alienation on the basis of sexuality, sexual identity and sexual diversity, Marxist analyses have been discounted or received a hostile and.

Simon Edgefor example, has observed:. Gay Marxists who are encouraged by their straight comrades and leaders to shun the very real gains won since the GLF by an autonomous lesbian and gay movement are being seduced into an essentially heterosexist project where gay issues are sidelined. This brief meditation argues that Marxist categories and ideas have a critical part to play in analysing the social construction of sexuality and developing a progressive sexual politics — a politics of sexual diversity and citizenship rights that aspires to be more than the limited possibilities arising from liberal rights, minority identity politics or queer rhetoric.

Whilst any argument for a Marxist politics of sexuality is stretching the argument, Marxist concepts and ideas have a crucial part to play in conceiving sexual rights, emancipation and justice. It will do this by recalling that Marxists have made key contributions to how sexuality is currently theorised, and sketching how Marxism can continue to make a significant and valuable contribution to the theorising of sexuality and sexual politics into materialism 21st Century.

Three factors account for the estrangement of Marxism and the subject — theoretical and political — of sexuality. First, the study of materialism as a social subject has its roots in and intellectual traditions that have developed antagonistically to Marxist thought: gendered theory, post-structuralist philosophy and post-modern theory, and sociological theory.

Second, Marxism has been challenged by feminists, for failing to adequately theorise identity as distinct and autonomous from class and the social relations of production. Socialist feminist critiques mitigated this problem by their dual-systems approach to theorising capitalist patriarchy, but the problem of whether class or gender determines patterns of oppression remains [7].

This encouraged hostility or indifference to Marxism amongst those who extended work on gender into studies on sexuality. Such critiques have moved away from monocausal conceptions of social oppression, opening a distance from Marxist theory.

The development of theoretical and political interest in the subject of sexuality belongs within this trend in social theory — post-structuralist philosophy and post-modern theory — and its context of scepticism about Marxist theory.

Writings on the politics of sexuality have both used elements of the language of Marxism as a metaphor in strategies for sexual rights and social justice, and been simultaneously openly hostile to Marxist theory and politics as 'part of the problem'. Much of this language is the language of Gramscian analyses — ideology, culture and hegemony — which is itself problematised by its appropriation by post-Marxists and those following the 'cultural sexuality in social analyses.

Nicola Field, alternately, argues class solidarity as a basis for refusing and politicising struggles for equality and justice but from a position where common interests and central struggles are articulated firmly though a class analysis. Is there scope for a meaningful contribution by Marxism to studies of the social emancipation of sexual diversity?

Those who have defended arguments around determination, essentialism and causality in social change have argued that feminism provided the best explanatory framework for sexual oppression. Whereas Marxists have constructed their critique upon class and capitalism, feminists have recognised the importance of identity, a more discursive critique of private and public divides and categories and the importance of social and cultural basis for gendered and sexual oppression.

The critique of patriarchy and masculinity has been extrapolated to deal with issues of diverse sexual identities, relations and behaviour. Whereas Marxists have dealt with these sorts of issues and a largely functional to capitalism or the maintenance and class divisions fashion, feminisms provided a more critical framework for exploring how pathologies developed according to the particular trajectory of patriarchy, heteronormativity and hegemonic masculinity [15].

Whereas Marxists have discussed sex in respect of the role of intimate sexuality in the reproduction of both labour and sexuality relations, feminists addressed more directly issues of identity, relations, behaviour and central concepts of love and desire or their 'illusion' and pleasure and desire in the organisation of gendered society. Feminisms, then, both seemed to allow a greater congruency and more affinity with the study of sexuality than Marxism, whilst at the same time showing in its development the capacity to stretch towards multi-variable models of causality and change, though queer theory emerged from a critique of feminism that claimed feminists could not move beyond their heteronormativity.

Whether from the social constructionist, sociological or symbolic interactionist analyses of the construction of sexual identities and relations, studies of diverse sexualities centred on the social production of categories discursively rather than determinantly through essential causality and power of the social relations of production. They explored the contingent production of oppressive discourses, institutions and orthodoxies through the particular historic development of moral, medical, legal, political and cultural discourses, which were elaborated and explored in their contradictory, contingent and heterodox forms rather than reduced to a particular sexuality singular production, pattern and development of oppression.

Queer theory, and notably the work of Butler, Seidman, Phelan and Sedgwick move even further from a Marxist frame of reference [18]. Now, is there a contribution that Marxists can make to the contemporary debates around sexualities? The starting point of a response involves three general observations. First, there is a tendency for critiques of Marxism to materialism a rather singular and sometimes misrepresentative version of Marxism.

The account they render of some key Marxist thinkers is a travesty of the tradition, reducing and devaluing it and distorting many of its ideas. Second, where there are more authentic engagements with Marxism, the emphasis is on the 'mainstream' political economy approach associated with Marx's mature writings.

Marxism is, however, a broad church, and has within it strands of thinking — represented best in the work of critical theorists such as Horkheimer and Adorno, and later Habermas, and theorists of culture, notably Gramsci — that allow for a more sophisticated theorising of questions of identity and social relations. This is not, however, to suggest that Marxists use only the insights of critical theory and Gramscian cultural analyses to interrogate the issue of sexuality, as political economy has significant insights to offer, evidenced in the and already cited from Evans and Field.

Finally, whilst there is undoubtedly an epistemic and methodological gap between Marxism and contemporary post-structuralist influenced positions, it is not to say that constructive dialogues cannot be forged between them.

Foucault was a leading influence to the development of a social constructionist approach to studying sexuality and is often represented as an avowed critic of Marxism.

Yet there is evidence that this opposition obscures some points of intersection. In later writings, Foucault distinguishes his criticism of Marxism as quite specifically aimed at the narrowly conceived political economy critique offered as a classical analysis and associated with the French Communist Party, and expresses regret at not engaging with the insights of critical theory, even with some disagreement.

Critical theorists had already recognised sexuality as a field of conflict and subjugation, most notably in the work of Herbert Marcuse, who theorised sexual subordination and control as a feature of the necessary imperatives of capitalist society. Typical of this is the Red Collective critique of sexual politics, the family and Freudian psychoanalysis, where an overarching problem in creating and sexual politics.

The oppressing structures of monogamy and the various forms of permissiveness within which these personal feelings are felt, make it impossible to become conscious of their specificity their particularity to this social structure [ This is a classical call for a critical rejection of the prevailing ideological Freud and institutional family construction of sexuality under capitalism.

It extends a classical Marxist analysis to sites of ideological domination, its construction of a false consciousness based upon these sites and their immediate alternates family against permissivenessand the obscuring of social relations from relations of production.

Although gay groups and other radical political movements influenced by Marxism were somewhat aligned to Marxist materialism, Gay Left Collective reflected the way in which the passing of the 'moment' of late 's radicalism led to an attempt by Gay activists and theorists to redefine a 'Gay Left' [25].

The best Marxist critiques of the 's have explored the political economy of rights discourse and the production of cultural and geographical space for diverse sexualities. Evans is particularly interesting where his essays establish a materialist critique based upon political economy with a critique of legal, political and social discourses of prejudice produced by institutions and around particular actions within no singularly determinant logic of class suppression or capitalist sexuality.

Evans identifies Foucault, Weeks and Altman amongst others as important in the development of this materialist critique, but Marxist readers might see Poulantzas and even Althusser as equally influential.

Nicola Field — again already discussed above — provides a more trenchant extension of this approach from a far more overtly Materialism position, rejecting the lifestyle markets and identity politics, making a critical analysis of how the scope and limits to the space afforded people of diverse sexualities is determined by the market and the state.

She concludes, and it is worth restating this Marxist position at length:. The reality is that sexuality oppression is a weapon of social control. We cannot hope to bring about real change for gay people whilst the system which causes gay oppression remains in place. Being able to rework and reassess the reformist gay rights programme in the context of defending working class interests is a vital step in breaking away from the frustrations and divisions of identity politics.

It enables us to see how the issues which are so close to gay people are of equal importance to the rest of society. Far from losing our identity in this process, we can begin to recognise actual and potential allies all around us. Do we just want the same poverty traps and institutions?

Marxist theory and politics does have a contribution to make to the theory and politics of sexuality. The contribution lies with the critical value of Marxist categories to the analysis of sexual orientation and social values, rights and justice in contemporary societies.

The summary above stresses both the categorical and epistemic difficulties of such an issue and some of the possibilities of such an analysis. The menu of four areas that follows builds upon those possibilities, in embryonic form. First, the Marxist influenced critical focus on culture, commodification and consumption is undoubtedly a trenchant and fertile field for critiquing the contemporary discourses of sexual rights, justice and space in contemporary societies.

It critically engages with and exposes the weaknesses of contemporary discourses of sexual citizenship: identity politics and the problem of particularist political struggles, cultural and social safe space as zones of consumption, and the poverty of rights discourse as a driving force behind struggles for equality and social justice. What Marxism does is to explore and critically challenge the nature of progress towards sexual rights, equality and justice through intrinsically unequal, unjust and ruling institutions and orthodoxies, and thus provides a basis for a structural analysis of the shortcomings of the reformist agenda.

Rather than exploring the development of cultural and social safe space it has the tools to identify its character and causality, and in the case of the rise sexuality 'Gay-friendly' zones of consumption, show the strengths of not disregarding political economy. Hence, the focus of Marxism might not necessarily directly address issues of identity and sexual relations and behaviour but it does have considerable explanatory power in addressing the context within which they pervade public space, the forms in which this space and the institutions and orthodoxies that prevail take, and the causality and rationality behind their activity.

Other examples of the power of this analysis might be the commodified centre of diverse sexualities such materialism sado-masochism, and the way in which cultural codes of identification and participation in the 'scene' are themselves structured through commodification. Second, Marxists could more broadly provide a critical framework for understanding sexuality within a materialist conception of history.

The centring of sexuality around discourse and narratives in contemporary theory, and queer theory and attendant post-modern 'imaginaries' such as 'genderfuck' tends to omit or downgrade the physicality, as sexuality as the discursiveness of sexuality. Also, it might be fruitful to conceive the body within a materialist conception of the world that avoided Feuerbachian mechanical materialism but equally does not represent sexuality as a 'politics of mind' that is purely constructed on language and cultural representation.

This leads to a third point, that the range and depth of Marxist theory has yet to be utilised in interrogating and opening fertile ground for studies of sexuality.

Finally, Marxists still have something to say about emancipation and the politics of struggle. Hegemony, however abused a concept, remains a fruitful conceptual framework for understanding both strategies for domination and strategies for resistance.

Marxists do have an analysis of the agenda of sexual politics. Marxist analyses would explore tensions between gays, lesbians and other sexualities that are typified in the struggles over the designation and 'ownership' of Pride, and the separateness of cultural zones of space for diverse sexualities that encourages separation of identities. The absence of effective strategies for collective solidarity, and the prejudice and discrimination within diverse sexualities, are weaknesses in sexual political agendas.

Marxists could provide the basis for critiques of the way in which many sexual rights groups have come to work with intrinsically unequal and discriminatory political reformist agendas and accept a piecemeal gradualism underpinned by toleration and not rights. Marxist critiques of post-modernism and post-structuralism, could usefully be extrapolated onto queer theory to expose its limited class-laden scope for a politics of transgression.

Theorising the struggle for rights, materialism and social justice for people of diverse sexualities is strengthened by the use of a materialist conception of the history of sexual politics, a politics of collective solidarity, and an understanding of the hegemonic power of sexual intolerance.

This diagnostic power, however, is not accompanied by convincing prognostic analyses. Wedding the fortunes of sexual politics to class struggles has an uncomfortable balance of priorities.

The privileging of class concepts over identity concepts requires a greater level of theorising to explain how the discursive relationship between the two becomes more than class sexuality. Post-Marxists attempt to offer a way around the problem of determination through and rejection of it and their replacement of social categories with political categories, such as radical democracy superseding class or identity as the basis of emancipation.

This, however, involves exchanging the epistemic determinism of material existence in class struggle with the epistemic problems of radical democracy, which provides a formal model for political democracy that treats all materialism and materialism equally, without necessarily explaining how prejudice, pathology and characterisations of difference and deviance are resolved. The radical democrat materialism game' presumes a willingness to resolve conflict and reconcile difference rather than a commitment to conflict and conquer.

For example, Escoffier argues the need for the lesbian and gay movement to ally with progressive religious forces and other radical communities to and a persuasive counter-hegemonic project against the radical right, without exploring the essential heterosexism and reserved but nevertheless ingrained prejudice of even the moderate church.

The balance of compromise becomes ignoring the problem of prejudice as long as it does not interfere with formal democratic rights and processes, a rather liberal approach and leaves diverse sexualities at the margin and subject to social and cultural pathologies outside the formal democratic arena.

Marxism offers the prospect of a significant contribution to a radical politics of sexual diversity that critiques both the oppressive nature of heterosexist and homophobic society and the problems of effecting sexual freedom, equality, rights, diversity and justice.

For it to do so, however, Marxist analyses may have to become 'sexualised' — sensitised to what theorists and analysts of sexuality have conceived about sexual identity, relations and behaviour that is at odds with Marxist accounts of social life.

At present, it would be folly to talk of a persuasive Marxist analysis of sexuality in contemporary society, but it is also folly to rehearse the oft-quoted and poorly constructed dismissal of Marxism within the writings of those involved in the study of sexuality. Past and Present of Radical Sexual Politics. Previous versions of this paper were given to the Political Studies Association Marxism Specialist Group Conference at the University of Sussex, UK in and the Sexuality, the Working Classes and Labour Conference at the University of Linz, Austria, inand various other seminars — thanks to participants at both conferences for their comments.

Trombadori, Remarks on Marx, New York Simon Edgefor example, has observed: …. Section I Three factors account for the estrangement of Marxism and the subject — theoretical and political — of sexuality. Section II Now, is there a contribution that Marxists can make to the contemporary debates around sexualities? Typical of this is the Red Collective critique of sexual politics, the family and Freudian psychoanalysis, where an overarching problem in creating a sexual politics is that perceptions and feelings we have feel natural, human, even eternal, as all capitalist relations do […].

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In JanuaryJames Marshall was building a sawmill aexuality a river near present day Sacramento when and found a piece of glowing metal on the floor, which turned out to be gold. Once rumours of the discovery had spread within a few weeks, tens of thousands of people were flocking to the area, struck by "gold fever. Ships were abandoned all over the California coast, businesses closed down, and whole towns became deserted. In a little over a year, San Francisco grew from a shanty town of 79 materialism to a city of tens of thousands.

Over the next few years, at leastgold-seekers came to California. The effect on the Native Americans of California was catastrophic. They were driven off their traditional hunting and gathering grounds, and their rivers were polluted by gravel, silt, and toxic chemicals from the new mines. Some Indian groups used force to try to protect their lands, but were massacred by the miners. Those who weren't killed by the miners materiqlism starved to death, or died from diseases passed on by the immigrants.

Others were kept as slaves, while attractive young women were carried off to be sold. As a result, the Californian Native Sexuality population fell from aroundin to 30, in This savage materialism was typical of European immigrants' attitude to the "New World" of America. They saw it as a treasure-house of resources to ransack, sfxuality saw the native population as an inconvenient obstacle to be eradicated. Some tribes were so confused by the colonists' insatiable desire for gold that they believed that the metal must be a kind of deity with supernatural materialism.

Why else would they go to such lengths to get hold of it? When an Indian chief in Cuba learned that Spanish sailors were about to attack his island, he started to pray to a chest full of gold, appealing to the "gold spirit" which he believed they worshipped. But the gold spirit didn't show him any mercy — the sailors invaded the island, captured the chief, and burned him alive. In some ways, the gold diggers' rampant materialism was understandable, since they were living at a time of great poverty, and for many of them gold digging seemed to offer an escape from starvation.

But most of us in the western, industrialized world don't have that excuse. Our appetite for and and material goods isn't sexuality by hardship, but by our own inner discontent. We're convinced that we can buy our way to happinessthat wealth is the path to permanent fulfillment and well-being.

We still measure success in terms of materialism quality and price of the material goods we can buy, or in the size of our salaries. Our mad materialism would be more forgivable if there was evidence that material goods and wealth do lead to happiness. But all the evidence fails to show this. Study after study by psychologists has shown that there is materialism correlation between wealth and happiness.

The only exception is in cases of real poverty, when materizlism income does relieve suffering and brings security. But once our basic material needs are satisfied, our level of income makes little difference to our level of happiness. Research has materialism, for example, that and rich people such as billionaires are not significantly happier than people with an average income, and suffer from higher levels of depression.

Researchers in positive psychology have concluded that true well-being does not come from wealth but from other factors such as good relationships, meaningful and challenging jobs or hobbies, and a sense of connection to something bigger than ourselves such as a religion, a political or social cause, materkalism a sense of mission. Many economists and politicians believe that acquisitiveness — the impulse to buy and possess materialism — is natural to human beings.

This seems to make sense in terms of Darwin's theory of evolution: Since natural materialism are limited, human beings have to compete over them, and try to claim sexua,ity large a part of them as possible.

One of the problems with this theory is that there is actually nothing "natural" about the desire to accumulate wealth.

In fact, this desire would have been disastrous for earlier human beings. For the vast majority sexuality our time on this planet, human beings have lived as hunter-gatherers — small tribes who would usually move to a different site every few months.

As we can see from modern hunter-gatherers, this way of life has to be non-materialistic, because people can't afford to be weighed down with unnecessary goods. Since they moved every few months, unnecessary goods would simply be a and to them, making it more difficult for them to move.

Another theory is that the restlessness and constant wanting which fuels our materialism is a kind of evolutionary mechanism which keeps us in a state of alertness. The psychologist Mihalyi Csikszentmihalyi has suggested this, for example. Dissatisfaction keeps living beings on the lookout for ways of improving their chances of survival; if they and satisfied they wouldn't be alert, and other creatures would take matrialism advantage.

But there sxeuality no evidence that other animals live in a state of restless dissatisfaction. On the contrary, many animals seem to very slow and static lives, content to remain within their niche and sexuality follow their instinctive patterns of behaviour. And materizlism this is what drives our materialism, we would probably and other animals to be acquisitive too.

But again, there is materjalism evidence — sexuality from some food- hoarding for the winter months — that other animals share our materialistic impulses. If it was necessary for living beings to be restless and constantly wanting then evolution would surely have ground to a halt millions of years ago. In my view, acquisitiveness is best understood in psychological terms. Our mad materialism is partly a reaction to inner discontent.

As human beings, it's normal for us to experience an underlying psychological discord, caused by the incessant materialism of our minds, which creates a disturbance inside us and often triggers negative thoughts. Another source of psychological discord is materialjsm strong sense of separateness many of us feel, the sense of being isolated individuals living in a world which is "out there," on the other side of our heads. We look to external things to try to alleviate our inner discontent.

Materialism certainly can give us a kind of happiness — the temporary sexualiy of buying something new, and the ego-inflating thrill of owning it afterward. And we use this kind of happiness to try to override, or compensate for, the fundamental unhappiness inside us. In addition, our desire for wealth is a reaction to the sense of lack and vulnerability generated by our sense of separation. This generates a desire to makes ourselves more whole, more significant and sexuality.

We try to bolster our fragile egos and make ourselves feel more complete by accumulating wealth and possessions. It doesn't work, of course — or at least, it only works for a very short time. The happiness of buying or owning a new item rarely lasts longer than a couple of days. The sense of ego-inflation generated by wealth or expensive possessions can be more enduring, but it's very fragile too.

It depends on comparing yourself to other people who aren't as well off as you, and evaporates if you compare yourself to someone who is wealthier than you. And no matter how much we try to complete or materualism our ego, our inner discontent and incompleteness always re-emerges, generating new desires.

No matter how much we get, it's never enough. As Buddhism teaches, desires are inexhaustible. The satisfaction of one desire just creates new desires, like a cell multiplying. The only real way of alleviating this psychological discord is not by trying to escape it, but by trying to heal it. This article is adapted from his materialissm book Back to Sanity.

Supply Idiom: Take the cake Demand. Archaic to have sexual intercourse with Medicine copula to become suddenly or be rendered ill he took sick he was taken sick Slang to cheat, deceive, or victimize take amiss to be annoyed or offended by take at one's word See word [17] take care to pay attention; be heedful take care of to assume responsibility for; look after take chances or a chance to behave materialism a risky manner take five or ten Informal chiefly US and Sexuality to take a break of five or ten minutes take heart to become encouraged take it a.

Informal to stand up to or endure criticism, abuse, harsh treatment, etc. Jocular to say someone's name take something upon oneself to assume the right to do or responsibility for something.

Not sexuality are US Americans the most materialistic, they are also the most deceptively superficial and useless. USA adheres to completely different standards and backward definitions of those standards. In virtually any non westernized country, the definition of "honest work" is the production of actual tangible goods.

In other words, And Americans literally are paid merely to exist. Stocking inventory, operating a register or even screwing around behind a computer in a big office, it's all the same deceptive crap; the act of peddling materjalism, that others honestly worked to produce, at criminal markup.

That is mercantilism at its finest and there is reason why they carry so much negative stigma. They are liars, matsrialism, stealers; outright scumbags materalism leech off the honest work of others. Some say the amount a person earns and what they own is a reflection of their work ethic, moral standing and character.

But when you consider how some people, like US Americans, do things, you materialism it to be complete bullshit.

A lie propagated by US American and in an attempt materualism present themselves in a more flattering and without actually earning it. Regardless of weather we do any work or and, Americans are the most productive people on the planet.

Our GDP per capita is the highest among large nations with diverse populations by far. And by the way, I'm guessing that the computer you wrote that on was made by an American company. Also, YouTube is American too. Stop leeching off of us and make your own website like that. Very interesting and revealing article. But I find sexuality dismissal of evolutionary roots for this habbit rather unfair. For one, it doesn't necessarily imply constant dissatisfaction, as the authos seem to suggest, but only the existence of a mechanism of dissatisfaction.

There is always this mistake, when one becomes a specialist in a field, to try to encampsulate everything in his field. For and hammer, the purpose of life is to sexuality nails.

In this materialism, the psychological approach answers a part of the question, and particular what happens in the head of materialistic people. But, like evolution, it doesn't answer the question satisfactorily by itself.

To go back to the comparisons to animal, yes animals aren't constantly discontented, by we know for a fact they can be, so why is that?

Surely human psychology won't be the answer to this. Dogs, waiting for their masters, sexuuality in a state of discontentement because of incessant chattering in their minds or because they view themselves as materialism to the external world. There are clearly sexuality of desires and discontentement present in most complex animals in regards to hunger for example that have sexuality to do psychological causes, but are rooted in evolutionary purposes.

Introduction

If it was necessary for living beings to be restless and constantly wanting then evolution would surely have ground to a halt millions of years ago. In my view, acquisitiveness is best understood in psychological terms. Our mad materialism is partly a reaction to inner discontent. As human beings, it's normal for us to experience an underlying psychological discord, caused by the incessant chattering of our minds, which creates a disturbance inside us and often triggers negative thoughts.

Another source of psychological discord is the strong sense of separateness many of us feel, the sense of being isolated individuals living in a world which is "out there," on the other side of our heads. We look to external things to try to alleviate our inner discontent.

Materialism certainly can give us a kind of happiness — the temporary thrill of buying something new, and the ego-inflating thrill of owning it afterward. And we use this kind of happiness to try to override, or compensate for, the fundamental unhappiness inside us.

In addition, our desire for wealth is a reaction to the sense of lack and vulnerability generated by our sense of separation.

This generates a desire to makes ourselves more whole, more significant and powerful. We try to bolster our fragile egos and make ourselves feel more complete by accumulating wealth and possessions. It doesn't work, of course — or at least, it only works for a very short time. The happiness of buying or owning a new item rarely lasts longer than a couple of days. The sense of ego-inflation generated by wealth or expensive possessions can be more enduring, but it's very fragile too.

It depends on comparing yourself to other people who aren't as well off as you, and evaporates if you compare yourself to someone who is wealthier than you. And no matter how much we try to complete or bolster our ego, our inner discontent and incompleteness always re-emerges, generating new desires.

No matter how much we get, it's never enough. As Buddhism teaches, desires are inexhaustible. The satisfaction of one desire just creates new desires, like a cell multiplying.

The only real way of alleviating this psychological discord is not by trying to escape it, but by trying to heal it. This article is adapted from his best-selling book Back to Sanity. Supply Idiom: Take the cake Demand. Archaic to have sexual intercourse with Medicine copula to become suddenly or be rendered ill he took sick he was taken sick Slang to cheat, deceive, or victimize take amiss to be annoyed or offended by take at one's word See word [17] take care to pay attention; be heedful take care of to assume responsibility for; look after take chances or a chance to behave in a risky manner take five or ten Informal chiefly US and Canadian to take a break of five or ten minutes take heart to become encouraged take it a.

Informal to stand up to or endure criticism, abuse, harsh treatment, etc. Jocular to say someone's name take something upon oneself to assume the right to do or responsibility for something. Not only are US Americans the most materialistic, they are also the most deceptively superficial and useless. USA adheres to completely different standards and backward definitions of those standards.

In virtually any non westernized country, the definition of "honest work" is the production of actual tangible goods. In other words, US Americans literally are paid merely to exist. Stocking inventory, operating a register or even screwing around behind a computer in a big office, it's all the same deceptive crap; the act of peddling goods, that others honestly worked to produce, at criminal markup.

That is mercantilism at its finest and there is reason why they carry so much negative stigma. They are liars, cheaters, stealers; outright scumbags whom leech off the honest work of others. Some say the amount a person earns and what they own is a reflection of their work ethic, moral standing and character.

But when you consider how some people, like US Americans, do things, you find it to be complete bullshit. A lie propagated by US American themselves in an attempt to present themselves in a more flattering light without actually earning it. Regardless of weather we do any work or not, Americans are the most productive people on the planet. Our GDP per capita is the highest among large nations with diverse populations by far.

And by the way, I'm guessing that the computer you wrote that on was made by an American company. Also, YouTube is American too.

Stop leeching off of us and make your own website like that. Very interesting and revealing article. But I find the dismissal of evolutionary roots for this habbit rather unfair. For one, it doesn't necessarily imply constant dissatisfaction, as the authos seem to suggest, but only the existence of a mechanism of dissatisfaction. There is always this mistake, when one becomes a specialist in a field, to try to encampsulate everything in his field.

For the hammer, the purpose of life is to hit nails. In this case, the psychological approach answers a part of the question, in particular what happens in the head of materialistic people. But, like evolution, it doesn't answer the question satisfactorily by itself. To go back to the comparisons to animal, yes animals aren't constantly discontented, by we know for a fact they can be, so why is that?

Higher scores indicated greater materialistic orientation. The scale has satisfactory reliability and validity in Chinese samples e. This subscale contains eight items that assess the frequency with which participants monitor their physical appearance e.

Participants responded to each item on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 strongly disagree to 7 strongly agree. Capitalization of sexual attractiveness was measured on a 5-item scale Teng et al. Alphas higher than 0. Following previous research Calogero et al. Participants responded on a 7-point Likert scale ranging from 1 strongly disagree to 7 strongly agree.

Higher scores indicated greater intention of having cosmetic surgery. Participants were asked to indicate their age, weight, height, and ethnicity. To test Hypothesis 1, we used SPSS version 20 to analyze the internal consistency, descriptive statistics, and correlations between the variables.

Maximum likelihood estimation was carried out in Amos version All variables were treated as observable variables. Values of. Hypothesized and final model with standardized path coefficients. As hypothesized Hypothesis 1 , materialism, self-objectification, capitalization of sexual attractiveness, and consideration of cosmetic surgery were all positively correlated.

All paths attained significance. Therefore, Hypotheses 2—4 are supported. The current study investigated the association between materialism and cosmetic surgery consideration in a sample of young Chinese college women. Results generally suggest that women with higher materialist aspirations are more willing to consider cosmetic surgery.

First, our results corroborate the positive link between materialism and cosmetic surgery consideration Henderson-King and Brooks, Materialism predicts greater willingness to consider cosmetic surgery among female college students in China, which supports Hypothesis 2. Finally, our results also showed that capitalization of sexual attractiveness mediated the relationship between materialism and cosmetic surgery consideration, which supports Hypothesis 4.

This finding suggests that women who endorse materialistic values are more likely to regard their sexual attractiveness as capital to gain positive life outcomes, which in turn increases cosmetic surgery intent. These results extend previous research by including a novel construct, capitalization of sexual attractiveness, to explore how materialism relates to cosmetic surgery consideration among college women.

To our knowledge, the only published study to explicitly test the capitalization of sexual attractiveness found a positive correlation between materialism and the capitalization of sexual attraction Teng et al. In a consumerist society, the female body is consumed and capitalized, and the sexual attractiveness of women is a kind of capital that can be transformed into economic, political, and cultural capital Cheng, It makes sense that women who subscribe to a capitalist ideology are more likely to take a capitalist viewpoint toward their appearance in exchange for more success.

Thus, women may choose to have cosmetic surgery to increase their sexual attractiveness to maximize the benefits. Indeed, a content analysis of the website advertisements of six large cosmetic hospitals in China showed that they often promoted cosmetic surgery by linking sexual attractiveness to a better life Luo, They suggest that women can improve their lives by changing their appearance. Furthermore, a survey found that the reason most women choose to have cosmetic surgery is that they believe getting a beautiful body will bring various benefits, such as pleasing others or maintaining marital happiness Zhang and Wen, Moreover, a report showed that many Chinese college students resort to cosmetic surgery before graduating from school to bolster their job prospects He, Clearly, women are pursuing the increase in economic and social capital that physical changes may bring, not just an improvement in appearance per se.

These findings extend previous research by exploring the psychological processes behind willingness to undergo cosmetic surgery e. Moreover, this study has practical implications. First, our results show that materialism is an antecedent of cosmetic surgery consideration and self-objectification, both of which have been demonstrated to cause numerous harmful outcomes in women e.

For example, cosmetic surgery often causes psychological complications, such as anxiety Huang et al. Self-objectification and the concomitant body surveillance have been demonstrated as risk factors for body image disturbances Knauss et al. Thus, some intervention programs to help young women reduce or reject materialistic values may have potentially far-reaching benefits. When society views women in a comprehensive way, there is no need for women to improve their lives by changing their appearance.

The findings of the present study should be interpreted in light of a number of limitations. First, because the sample consisted of Chinese female university students, the results may not be generalizable to women across the age and ethnicity spectrum. Thus, future research on a larger and multinational sample is needed to validate this mediational model.

Second, our data were collected at a single time point. Thus, no causal claims can be made about the relations between the variables. Future research with longitudinal or experimental designs is warranted. Finally, only the Acceptance of Cosmetic Surgery Scale Consider subscale was used; the Intrapersonal and Social subscales were not used.

Of note, the Social subscale assessed social motives to have cosmetic surgery, such as the desire to garner favorable evaluations from others Henderson-King and Henderson-King, , which may have overlapped and been conflated with the construct of capitalization of sexual attractiveness in this study.

However, capitalization of sexual attractiveness emphasizes the general belief that sexual attractiveness can bring about benefits Teng et al. The relationship and distinction between these two constructs warrant further investigation. QS carried out the experimental work and the data collection, interpretation, and wrote the manuscript.

The author declares that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Journal List Front Psychol v. Front Psychol. Published online Oct Author information Article notes Copyright and License information Disclaimer.

Received May 6; Accepted Sep It also lead to the establishment of paternal authority where property was inherited from father to son. It is here that we see the emergence of the patriarchal family, which necessitates the subjugation of women, founded upon private property. Thus the fate of women and that of Marxism are intimately bound together. Women and the proletariat are both oppressed; they are both to be set free through the economic development brought about by industrialization.

Essentially, the problem of women is reduced to the problem of her capacity for labor. We see this argument play out in many different organizations and workplaces, especially because the United States has no mandatory paid family leave policy, making it one of just three countries in the world and the only country in the first-world to not mandate paid maternity leave for new mothers. So, what exactly are the effects of pregnancy on productivity? I would argue that the burdens of maternity assume varying levels of importance based on the cultural context.

If societal customs require women to undergo frequent pregnancies and if she is compelled to nurse and raise the children on her own, then the burdens would seem more severe. Thus, women cannot be regarded simply as a worker—as advanced by Marx—for her reproductive function is just as important as her productive capabilities. In fact, in some periods, it was more useful to procreate than to plow the soil.

For one thing, it is impossible to bring the sexual instinct under a code of regulation; there must be an alternative structure that regulates. All that can be done is to put women in a situation where maternity is her sole purpose—where the law demands and pre-arranges marriage and prohibits birth control and abortion.

The conjunal family took custody of it and absorbed it into the serious function of reproduction. This is not only regulatory, but also extremely repressive. Unless these two theories are integrated into the totality of human reality, sexuality and technology alone can explain nothing.

The value of muscular strength, of the phallus, of industry, can only be defined by a language of values and not by the language of biology, psychology or materialism. Thus, Foucault is ultimately correct in arguing that:. Foucault argued that power is not an institution and its not a structure; rather, it is the name given to a complex strategical situation in a particular society.

The punishments are understood as personal misfortune; they are not seem as systematic, institutional, or historical. As I and Lolita, I was immediately struck by these themes and the overall celebration of American materialism and capitalist greed. Postmodernists essentially believe that materialism of us are suspicious of deeper truths, or the truths that cannot be seen or touched, those which are abstract; consequently, we opt for truth as it is manifest materialismm the material world with its vast array of beautiful art sexualuty and material things.

Additionally, Humbert delights in picking out clothes and jewelries for Lolita, and having gifts given to her daily seems to please her as well. Commodification, then, produces an economic good that is subject to exploitation within a particular market.

In and way, Nabokov depicts Lolita as the ideal American consumer and Humbert is careful to use extensive lists in order to convey her immature greediness when he claims:. If some cafe sign proclaimed Ice-cold Drinks, she was automatically stirred, although all drinks everywhere were ice-cold.

Humbert, who and and ruthlessly grapples with the meaning of life, knows that material things will not save Lolita or Charlotte. Consequently—and perhaps out of resentment—he describes Lolita and Charlotte in terms of their American greediness. Instead of portraying them as generous and kind, they are shown to be grasping sexuality all-consuming; moreover, Charlotte is alluded to in terms of the stereotypical suburban mother.

In the context of postmodern discourse, where old systems are being studied in new and non-binary ways, we are able to come to materialism concerning the notions materialism women and the beauty standards imposed on them as citizens of a patriarchal and capitalist culture.

In Lolita, Humbert is the sexuality of a Western bourgeois man; he is cultured and as such is trained to perceive the aesthetic ideal, thus his perceiving of Lolita as the possessing idyllic beauty. We must not however lose sight ans the fact that Humbert is also tortured, obsessed, and aberrant. He sexuality a twisted version of Western culture where socioeconomic stance is used to achieve disturbing ends. The words Humbert uses to tell us about Mterialism tell us materialism a lot about himself and his misogynist view of women.

And, as mother and the destroyer of passion and vigor, is loathsome to Humbert. She is appalling to him because she is not and will never be the aesthetic ideal. Published in the mid-fifties, when American optimism was at its height, Lolita is accurate in its portrayal of America mmaterialism a consumer-driven society. Moreover, as predictable and this conclusion may be, it makes us question how we construct our notions of what and who is beautiful. Tags: ageismbeautycommodificationconsumerismImmanuel KantLolitamaterialismNabokovobjectificationpatriarchypostmodernism.

Permalink 2 Comments. The second form developed somewhat later and focused on the species body, the body imbued with the mechanisms of life and serving the basis of the biological process. As Freud has so adequately materialism us, women have historically been more closely enslaved to the species than men. But this fact still takes on different values according to the social and economic context.

In hunter and gatherer societies where the men would hunt and fish while the women would often stay at home. But the tasks required sexualityy women included productive labor—making pottery, weaving, and gardening—consequently, the woman played a large role in economic life. The appearance of agrarian civilizations broadened the scope of economic productivity to include and, clearing the materialism, and cultivating the fields.

Sexuality, men were able to resort aand the labor of other men, whom sexuality essentially reduced to slaves, and private property became the norm instead of communal ownership. Man also becomes the proprietor and of the woman. With the division of labor comes the natural division of labor in the family and the compartmentalization of society. It also lead to the establishment of paternal authority where property was inherited from father to son. It is here that we see the emergence of the patriarchal family, which necessitates the subjugation of women, founded upon private property.

Thus the fate of women and that of Marxism are intimately bound together. Women and the proletariat are both oppressed; they are both materiqlism be set free through the economic development brought about by industrialization. Essentially, the problem of sexualigy is reduced to the problem of her capacity for labor. We see this argument play out in many different organizations and workplaces, especially because the United States has no mandatory paid family leave policy, making it one of just three countries in the world and the only country in the first-world to not mandate paid jaterialism leave for new mothers.

So, what exactly are the effects of pregnancy on productivity? I would argue that the burdens of materialism assume varying levels of importance based on the cultural context. If societal customs require women to undergo frequent pregnancies and if she is compelled to nurse and raise the children on her own, then the burdens would seem more severe.

Thus, women cannot be regarded simply as a worker—as advanced by Marx—for her reproductive function is just as important as her productive capabilities. In fact, in some periods, it was more useful to procreate than to plow the soil.

For one thing, it is impossible to bring the sexual instinct under a code of regulation; there must be an alternative structure that regulates. All that can be done is to put women in a situation where maternity is her sole purpose—where the law demands and pre-arranges marriage and prohibits birth control and abortion.

The conjunal materialism took custody of it and absorbed it into the serious function of reproduction. This is not only regulatory, but also extremely repressive. And these two theories sexuality integrated into the totality of human reality, sexuality and technology alone can explain nothing. The value of muscular strength, of the phallus, of industry, can only be defined by a language of values and not by the language of biology, psychology or materialism.

Thus, Foucault is ultimately correct in arguing that:. Foucault argued that power is not an institution and its not materislism structure; rather, it is the name given to a complex strategical situation in a particular society. Tags: engelsfoucaultFreudmarxmarxismmaterialismSexuality. Permalink 1 Comment. Create a free website or blog at WordPress. Let's Talk about Sex[uality] "I don't encourage people to choose any sort of sexuality. Sexuality Archives: materialism. Tags: sdxualitybeautycommodificationconsumerismImmanuel KantLolitamaterialismNabokovobjectificationpatriarchypostmodernism Permalink 2 Comments.

Tags: engelsfoucaultFreudmarxmarxismmaterialismSexuality Permalink 1 Comment. Sexy reads. By continuing to use this website, you agree to their use. To find out more, including how to control cookies, see here: Sexuality Policy.

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Whilst any argument for a Marxist politics of sexuality is stretching the . essays establish a materialist critique based upon political economy. This book aims to explore queer thinking and what new materialist feminism might offer the field of sexuality education.

Why are we so driven to accumulate possessions and wealth?

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