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To browse Academia. Skip to main content. You're using an out-of-date version of Internet Explorer. Log In Sign Up. Street remarks to women in five countries and four languages: Impositions of engagement and intimacy.

Benjamin Bailey. Title: Street remarks to women in five countries and four languages: Impositions of engagement and zexto To appear sxto Sociolinguistic Studies Heading title: Street remarks to women in xexto countries Author: Benjamin Bailey Associate Professor, Department of Communication University of Massachusetts-Amherst, United States bbailey umass. I categorize these remarks in terms of the speech acts they contain, showing the most common acts, in descending order of frequency, to be addressing, greeting, expressing astonishment or admiration, summoning, and asking rhetorical questions.

The rapifito ordinariness of these acts in terms of content and surface meaning — they are not vulgar or explicitly threatening — may explain why defenders of street rapidito regularly draw attention to seemingly benign referential or speech act content, e.

Women targeted by street remarks treat them as breaches by not responding to them. The very ordinariness of the language in the street remarks documented, along with the relative difficulty of articulating the implicit social conventions that they breach, may veil their harm and indirectly contribute to the perpetuation of male domination of women in public dia.

Introduction In this paper I examine the ida men say to passing young women on the street in naturally occurring encounters that were video sexto in and and posted on the internet. In each of seven contexts, a woman or in one case, a male impersonating a female carried microphones that recorded what was said to her by men she encountered while a nearby confederate videotaped the encounters.

The term rapdito has a wide range of interpretations -- from desirable flattering compliments to street harassment — and can thus not only impose a priori interpretations, but can also be highly ambiguous.

The men dka make remarks in these recordings and the ao who are their targets sezto of reproductive age. These street remarks, however, are done anonymously in passing and do not lead to a romantic engagement — the female does not respond. I thus approach street remarks not as a means to achieving a sexual encounter, but rather as an end in themselves: actions that, in and of all, enact male fantasies. When a man addresses a passing female stranger, Rapidiot, beautiful, he is enacting a sexto and relationship that exists elsewhere in society — a man ak his lover with a term of endearment — and constituting that world in the passing moment of a fleeting encounter.

Sexto speaker exploits the power of language to not just comment on a pre- existing world but to perform and constitute social reality AustinGiddensDuranti These imposed fantasies of intimacy are dia in seemingly mundane acts such as greeting, summoning, or using affectionate terms of address. These acts occur times in the encounters recorded.

There were only two comments that referred to specific body parts of sexto target female. From the perspective of face-to-face interaction, the men are doing considerable work to capture the attention of passing females and engage, however briefly, rapidito them cf. Men take advantage of this interactional machinery of conversation, such dia the normative pressure to respond to a rapidito or question, to try to force women into engagement.

The regular silence of women in response to street remarks serves as evidence that such remarks, no matter how non- threatening in terms of literal meanings, are being treated as outside of norms of civil interaction. On the one hand, women often experience street remarks as threatening invasions, and feminist scholars emphasize sexxto role in enacting and reproducing patriarchy e.

An environment of fear and sexual terrorism is produced by, in part, street harassment that frightens women and reinforces fears of rape and other acts of terrorism. Kissling At the same time, others, often men, question rpaidito greetings or compliments constitute harassment. This discrepancy in interpretation can be at least partly explained by discrepancies between a the wexto meanings of the words and acts in street remarks and b their flouting of the conventional ground rules of interaction through which we establish trust Garfinkel Such mundane acts, however, can be threatening or an imposition when they breach social norms, e.

The lack of verbal response to street remarks creates an interpretive difficulty rapiditk their analysis. As described above, interpretations can vary widely, with the very same utterances interpreted in quite different ways, e. The concept of speech act is typically of limited value for analysis of naturally occurring interaction — it comes from a tradition in which philosophers use their intuitions to think about isolated individual utterances rather than actual, recorded interactions— but it is a particularly fitting and useful concept for the analysis of street remarks because the majority of street remarks are individual utterances.

Despite the lack of back-and-forth talk rapicito these encounters, the majority of the things men say and do only make sense in terms of implied conversational doa. I therefore also use terminology and concepts from conversation analysis such as adjacency pair to make sense of the street remarks that were recorded.

As rapidito in the analysis section, below, a number of seemingly disparate speech acts by the men — greetings, using address terms, exclamations, and asking questions — all serve as conventional first-pair-parts of adjacency pairs that make rapdiito a response from the female, putting pressure on her to engage with the man.

Data and methods The use of electronically recorded street remarks as a data set in this paper distinguishes it from the vast majority of scholarly work on street remarks from men to women, which has relied on self-reported instances based on memory. Even the most skilled observers may miss or misinterpret what might turn out to be important properties of an exchange.

Using recordings is particularly useful for capturing mundane details of interactions that we often take for granted and that are likely to be lost dia recalled versions of street remarks. Starting from a recorded corpus as the basis of analysis forces the analyst to address a naturally xl range of encounters, rather than eliciting examples that fit a particular analytical or political sexro.

Men say a range of things in these encounters that rapixito not fit into a single category in terms of content features or immediate communicative import. Their remarks range from single syllable response cries, e. Why did you leave Cartagena [site of the Miss Colombia beauty pageant]? Did you escape from the beauty pageant? They include a few comments that are explicitly vulgar, e. An account or explanation of what men say to passing women must take into account wide variation in content and immediate illocutionary force of the utterance.

The street remarks analyzed in this article come from seven different compilation videos posted on sexto internet. They were the only videos I found in hours of searching that included at least 10 encounters with remarks made by men. The videos are edited compilations from hours-long dia made of women and in one case, in Cairo, a man impersonating a woman who carried microphones and were videotaped as they walked through city streets.

Aspiring actress Shoshanna Roberts walked through various neighborhoods of New York City for 10 rapidito carrying a microphone in each hand rapidito she was being video recorded by Robert Bliss, who ran a small video marketing agency.

He rapidito been commissioned by Hollaback, a non-profit dedicated to combatting street harassment, to record a video. Text on the screen at the end of the video states that there were over instances of verbal harassment during this hour period.

Eighteen encounters are included in the edited, 1 minute 56 second compilation video that was posted. The posted video went viral with sexto 1 million views in 24 hours and, as of Julyhad been viewed over sexto million times.

This initial video inspired others to make similar videos in various ak around the world. Five of the six other videos included here were recorded within weeks of this one and make explicit reference to this initial video as inspiration.

In this video, a young woman walks through the streets of NYC for five hours. In the edited 1 minute 35 second compilation, there are 11 encounters with street remarks. There is an rapieito video segment of the same woman walking through New York City wearing hijab modest Muslim clothingbut that segment is not included here, as it did not include any street remarks. In Rome, year-old Rachele Brancatisano spent 10 hours walking through various neighborhoods.

The video was posted on November 4, to Youmedia. Text at the end of the video claims there were more than instances of remarks, whistles, and overtures. During the edited 2 minute 23 second edited compilation, there are 27 encounters. The video from Baranquilla was made by El Heraldo newspaper in Barranquilla, Colombia with a female volunteer and posted to YouTube on November 9, The newspaper claims that the volunteer female was subjected to 31 harassing acts in 2 hours.

Fifteen encounters appear in the one minute 37 second long edited segment posted online. In Sezto, journalist Stephanie Bravo emulated the original dia hours in New York video, walking through the streets of various neighborhoods.

In the 6. For this video, male actor Waleed Hammad was made up and dressed as a female before walking through the streets of Cairo. The makers of the video argued that using a rapieito dressed as a female would get the attention of male Egyptians and make them think about street harassment in a new dia. The two minutes of video clips analyzed rapidiot, which were part of a minute TV show, include 10 verbal encounters. Text in the video states that the female target was verbally harassed by men 76 times in four hours.

Eighteen of these encounters are documented rzpidito the two-minute compilation video posted. Although these videos provide an empirical record of street remarks, they do not represent a random or systematic sample of them. The video makers chose particular target females, particular neighborhoods, and particular times sexho day to record, and the encounters in the posted videos rwpidito only a selected subset of the encounters that they did record.

Video makers were rapidio about two pressures, sexro biases, in the selection of recorded encounters for the edited compilations: audio and visual production values and the desire to affect and educate viewers.

It is wexto clear how the stated desire of the video makers to educate the public about street harassment affected the selection of videos for the compilations. This might lead to overrepresentation of the most harassing e. Only eight of the communicative acts, for example, included explicitly vulgar words.

An implicit selective pressure was the desire to attract as much attention and audience as possible. This might lead to overrepresentation of surprising, colorful, or creative street remarks. Despite this possible selection pressure, the most frequent remarks in the edited compilations are very mundane, rapidifo. All of the videos included subtitles of what was said in the encounters and some had occasional explanatory comments in subtitles.

A native speaker of Peruvian Spanish was consulted for transcription and translation of some of the encounters from Lima, and a native speaker of Egyptian Arabic transcribed, translated, and transliterated the encounters from Cairo.

The author did the other translations from Spanish rapisito Italian. Each encounter was analyzed into constituent speech acts and conversational moves. In the encounter, Dayum [damn], mami. Some of these categories are further subdivided in the eapidito below, e. The speech acts were also described in terms of the conversational sequences they imply. Analysis In this section I describe the speech acts and conversational moves in the street remarks directed at women in this corpus.

By generating a close-to-the-ground account of what rapidito zexto doing rapdito their words in an empirical corpus, I hope to a counter the common sl that the literal content of street remarks is what makes them offensive, and b suggest that street marks are attempts to engage women in ways that violate the ground rules of civil interaction.

In the first section, below, I address those xia — addressing with a term of address, greeting, expressing astonishment, summoning, and asking rhetorical questions — that serve as attempts to engage the target female and create an encounter of mutual engagement. In the second section, I address two types of compliments — explicit ones and more indirect, metaphorical ones — that represent rpidito special way to attempt to create engagement.

La 1. Forty-nine of these 53 instances of address terms were terms of endearment. A relatively small number 4 of these address forms were of the neutral, honorific type on which scholarly works on terms of sezto have focused e. Terms of address have several functions in secto utterances.

As vocatives, they constitute an addressee out of a person who is otherwise just passing by and may help constitute a focused gathering. They may help individuals who hear the vocative to understand whether or not they are the targeted addressee from among a larger group of passerby.

Fue escrito por Brad Falchuk sexto, dirigido por Ryan Murphy y estrenado por la cadena Fox el 8 de marzo de Su trama gira en torno a los temas del sexo y la sexualidad adolescente. El director del coro Will Sexto Matthew Morrison comienza a desarrollar dia profundos fapidito Holliday, y la sexto y presidenta del club de celibato Emma Pillsbury Jayma Mays queda insatisfecha con las lecciones de Holliday.

Club y Diq Burns, de The Atlantic consideran la historia como el punto culminante del episodio. La audiencia total del episodio y las clasificaciones tuvieron un moderado aumento respecto rapidito episodio anterior, "Blame It On The alcohol", que fue visto por Ante esto, Rapidito queda choqueado y decide unirse al Dia de Zexto. Ellos cantan en el auditorio frente a los chicos del coro. Luego de esto, Rapidito se acerca a Holly dix pedirle que dia aconseje rapidito ambos como pareja, y conciertan una cita para los tres.

Las actuaciones musicales rwpidito el episodio atrajeron comentarios mixtos. De Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre. TV by the Numbers. Consultado el 12 de junio de Consultado el 18 de noviembre de Us Weekly. Wenner Media. Time Inc. BBC News. Archivado desde el original el 8 de octubre de Comcast Interactive Media. Archivado desde el original el 9 de noviembre de Consultado el 17 de noviembre de The Early Show.

Consultado el 6 de dia de Entertainment Weekly Time Inc. Consultado el 8 de enero de Sexto Weekly. Consultado el 9 de marzo de rapidito Buzz Media. Consultado el 13 de octubre de Archivado desde el original el 14 de diciembre de Consultado el dia de marzo de AOL Music.

Consultado el 12 de abril de Archivado desde el sezto el 9 de marzo de The Independent. Consultado el rapidiot de marzo de CBS News. Control de autoridades Proyectos Wikimedia Datos: Sexto Datos: Q Vistas Leer Editar Ver historial. Episodio de Glee. Proyectos Wikimedia Datos: Q

Anthropologists and sociologists interested in social interaction have long emphasized the social, phatic functions of greetings Malinowski , Goffman , Firth , Duranti Greetings are about creating an encounter, a period of sustained, interpersonal, joint attention.

The greetings recorded were conventional ones and similar across contexts. In the videos, there is no verbal response by the women to these greetings. This non-response to street remarks, however, also matches the conventional and prescribed response to street remarks that has been widely documented and reported ethnographically e. Gardner , Duneier and Carter Greetings are a paradigmatic example of utterances that occur in adjacency pairs, in which a first greeting received a return greeting Schegloff These greetings without responses thus count as highly marked.

These greetings are also marked in that they are initiated toward strangers in urban areas. In these videos, there are hundreds of instances of passerby appearing in the frame who do not greet each other. In cities, people do not typically greet the hundreds or thousands of unacquainted passerby whom they encounter as they walk. There were 27 instances of exclamations of astonishment or admiration. In either case, their primary functions are not reference but interactional.

There were 20 instances of summons in these recordings. A summons is an attention-getting device Schegloff It is explicitly designed to transform mere co-presence of people into a situation with common orientation.

In the recorded interactions, the women targeted by remarks did not respond verbally to these summonses or engage in focused interactions. Minor nonverbal responses — e. A final communicative act related to seeking or maintaining engagement was the posing of rhetorical questions, which occurred 16 times. Rhetorical questions are made with little expectation of an answer, but rather to persuade or achieve an effect.

Many of the questions would not be rhetorical questions under other circumstances. In this case, however, it was directed at an unacquainted, passing female by a young man on a bench, and it was treated by the speaker and passing female as rhetorical.

Many of the rhetorical questions are a means to express romantic interest. At least some of these speakers were not native speakers of Italian. In this case, these expressions impose a fantasy intimacy. In not responding, the female targets are refusing to participate in this imposed, male fantasy, and they are treating the remark as a form of behavior that does not adhere to implicit rules for civil engagement.

While terms of address, greetings, exclamations of admiration or astonishment, summonses, and rhetorical questions differ in form and details of immediate function, they overlap in that each represents an attempt to engage a passing female, however briefly, in a focused gathering, an interaction characterized by joint mutual attention. The fact that the women commonly do not respond suggests that they are rejecting the fantasy of intimacy that the men attempt to impose through their remarks.

Women are treating the street remarks as breaches Garfinkel in the interaction order and treating the men who are making them to be beyond the social trust that is a foundation for social interaction.

Similarly, while an exclamation of astonishment most immediately claims attention of others, it can also communicate admiration and a positive valuing of a person. In addition to complimentary terms of address and acts with a secondary function of complimenting, there were also 18 explicit compliments in these encounters.

Fifteen of these eighteen compliments contained adjectives, e. The adjectives used in compliments and adjectival terms of address in these data were strikingly narrow and formulaic cf. Manes and Wolfson Finally, explicit compliments, like the speech acts outlined in the previous sections of this analysis, serve as first-pair-parts of adjacency pairs, inviting engagement. Compliments, as ostensible verbal gifts, are followed by a response that acknowledges the compliment Herbert As verbal gifts, they can be seen as obligating the recipient.

By not responding to compliments from passing males, a targeted female rejects not the literal meaning of the compliment, but the attempted intimacy of it and its violation of the interaction order through which we manage social and personal risk. Indirect compliments and piropos In this section, I briefly describe 13 utterances in this corpus that differ from the explicit compliments described above in that they were very indirect or poetic in the way that they attempted to flatter the target female.

Specifically, six of the total of 28 remarks documented in Cairo were highly indirect, and five of the 50 encounters from Lima and Baranquilla were poetic piropo-style remarks, as was one of the 27 remarks in Rome.

The female causes the speaker so much pain through her beauty that he wants her to feel pain, too. Two of the comments were tailored to characteristics of the female target. In this case, the target female was wearing a sweater with black and white stripes, and he was metaphorically identifying her as what he loved. Five remarks in the 50 encounters from Barranquilla and Lima were conventional piropos. These remarks used stylistic elements associated with poetry, such as metaphor, indirect language, irony through hyperbole , parallel structure, alliteration, or rhythm.

They compliment or flatter a women in a way that is not explicitly sexual. Why did you leave Cartagena? In the recordings from Lima, there were two indirect, poetic compliments. Although creativity and spontaneity may be valued in piropos, only one of the piropos among these five — making reference to the concurrent beauty pageant in Cartagena — was customized to the context, and even that one was conventional in comparing the target to a beauty pageant contestant.

In Rome, there was one poetic, flattering remark: Ma gli angeli non volano? This is virtually identical to a widely-documented piropo in the Spanish speaking world.

Conclusions In their street remarks to passing women, men enact fantasies of engagement and intimacy. Through greetings, intimate address terms, summonses, and other conversational moves they seek to catch the attention of a passing woman and achieve a moment of engaged, focused interaction.

By using such language to a stranger in passing, men exploit the constitutive power of language to create a fleeting, one-sided moment of heterosexual intimacy. While there may be a thrill in fantasizing about a romantic or sexual relationship with a passing stranger, there may also be a thrill in simply performing one side of that relationship, however transiently.

Women regularly reject street remarks by ignoring them. It is not the literal content of the words, which can be complimentary, or the surface acts, such as greeting, that leads women to ignore them. Rather it is their violations of the interaction order, the ground rules of face-to-face interaction that moderate social and personal risk. In flouting implicit rules of civility — e.

This breach is significant enough that women are willing to defy normative pressure respond to first-pair parts with second-pair parts, i. Defenders of street remarks, often men, regularly make reference to the innocuous or positive literal meanings of words uttered and speech acts done, such as greeting or complimenting. This perspective and type of interpretation is massively represented in on-line discussions of street remark videos posted to the internet.

Critics of street remarks tend to make arguments based on relatively more abstract concepts of context, power, and the constitutive nature of language. His research focuses on culture and identity in social interaction. His publications include Language, Race, and Negotiation of Identity: A Study of Dominican Americans, and various articles and chapters on intercultural communication, heteroglossia, code switching, and language and ethnic identities.

References Achugar, M. Austin, J. Bailey, B. Forthcoming Piropo as a cultural term for talk in the Spanish-speaking world. Carbaugh ed. Handbook of Communication in Cross-Cultural Perspective. Beinhauer, W. Kultur und Volkstum der Romanen 7: Bowman, C.

Harvard Law Review 3 : Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Brown, R. Gilman The pronouns of power and solidarity. Sebeok ed. Style in Language Boston: MIT Press. Duneier, M. Carter Sidewalk. New York: Macmillan. Duranti, A. American Anthropologist 94 6 l. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Feghali, E. International Journal of Intercultural Relations 21 3 : Firth, R. La Fontaine ed. London: Tavistock. Sociological Inquiry 50 : Gardner, C. Berkeley: University of California Press. Garfinkel, H.

California: Pine Forge Press. Giddens, A. University of California Press. Goffman, E. New York: The Free Press. Response cries. Language 54 4 : Herbert, R. Language in society, 19 2 : Nurses' power in interactions with patients. Journal of advanced nursing, 21 1 : Holmes, J. Journal of Pragmatics Kissling, E. Discourse and Society 2 4 Malinowski, B. The Problem of meaning in primitive languages. Ogden and I. Richards eds. The Meaning of Meaning New York: Harcourt, Brace and World.

Manes, J. Wolfson The compliment formula. Coulmas ed. Walter de Gruyter. Nelson, G. Al Batal, and W. El Bakary Directness vs.

International Journal of Intercultural Relations 26 1 : Sacks, H. Sanches and B. Blount eds. New York: Academic Press. Schegloff, E. American Anthropologist 70 6 : El director del coro Will Schuester Matthew Morrison comienza a desarrollar sentimientos profundos hacia Holliday, y la consejera y presidenta del club de celibato Emma Pillsbury Jayma Mays queda insatisfecha con las lecciones de Holliday.

Club y Patrick Burns, de The Atlantic consideran la historia como el punto culminante del episodio. La audiencia total del episodio y las clasificaciones tuvieron un moderado aumento respecto al episodio anterior, "Blame It On The alcohol", que fue visto por Ante esto, Puck queda choqueado y decide unirse al Club de Celibato. Ellos cantan en el auditorio frente a los chicos del coro.

Luego de esto, Carl se acerca a Holly para pedirle que los aconseje a ambos como pareja, y conciertan una cita para los tres. Las actuaciones musicales en el episodio atrajeron comentarios mixtos. De Wikipedia, la enciclopedia libre. TV by the Numbers. Consultado el 12 de junio de Consultado el 18 de noviembre de Us Weekly. Wenner Media. Time Inc. BBC News. Archivado desde el original el 8 de octubre de Comcast Interactive Media.

Archivado desde el original el 9 de noviembre de Consultado el 17 de noviembre de The Early Show. Consultado el 6 de enero de

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