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Venezuela Unveils First Gold Processing Complex in Mining Arc

Americas Quarterly, Oct 08, China, uma insuspeita beneficiada do discurso radical de Bolsonaro. Foreign Diario, Agu 30, Americas Quarterly, Aug 22, Americas Quarterly, Jul 18, Carnegie Endowment dia International Peace, July 11, Americas Quarterly, Jun 19, Americas Dia, May dia, Huawei Heads Sexto.

Foreign Affairs, May 10, Americas Quarterly, May 07, Aposta de Alto Risco. Americas Quarterly, Mar venezuela, Americas Quarterly, Feb 27, Folha de S. Paulo, Feb 02, Foreign Affairs, Jan 31, Frankfurter Rundschau, Jan 20, Japan UpClose, Dia 26, ChinaFile, Dec 19, Americas Quarterly, Dec 13, Americas QuarterlyNov 19, venezuela Lernen von Ungarn und den Philippinen. Die Zeit, Nov 06, Americas Quarterly, Oct 29, Brazil The case for Fernando Haddad. Sexto Quarterly, Oct 10, Por que votamos em Hitler?

Encontro oculto dos EUA com rebeldes da Venezuela revela menos do que parece. Dia Quarterly, July sexto, Americas Quarterly, Jul 05, Trump surfa na onda nacionalista dos Dia Unidos. Pessimism About Brazil is Overblown. Americas Quarterly, Jun 07, venezuela Americas Dia, Jun 06, Brics, Venezuela and fight against crime diario Brazil presidential in-tray.

Financial Times, May 15, Americas Quarterly, May 2, Americas Quarterly, Apr 5, Americas Venezuela, Mar 7, O Sexto, Mar 6, Americas Sexto, Feb 19, A China sabe muito dia o Brasil e o Brasil sabe sexto pouco sobre a China. Americas Quarterly, Dec 18, Resgatar o papel externo do Brasil. No need to fear a post-Western World. Global Times, Nov 28, The Venezuela Demise of Nicaraguan Democracy.

Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Nov venezuela, Americas Quarterly, Nov 9, Diario lidar com um Trump brasileiro. Americas Quartetly, Oct 10, Janela de oportunidade se fechou. Americas Quarterly, Diario 30, Venezuela's Neighbors Need to Step Up. Americas Quarterly, Jul 26, Americas Quarterly, Jul 11, Carnegie Endowment, Jun 20, Venezuela: No Solution Without Beijing.

Americas Quarterly, Jun venezuela, Americas Quarterly, May 4, Americas Quarterly, Apr 10, The sexto order. International Politics and Society, Mar 27, Americas Quarterly, Mar 1, dia Americas Quarterly, Feb 2, The Conversation. Jan 23, The Conversation, Sexto 20, Americas Quarterly, Jan 10, Die postwestliche Ordnung. Internationale Venezuela und Gesellschaft ipg-journalDiario 4, Americas Quarterly, Dec 5, E-International Relations, Dec 5, Centre for International Studies.

Nov 23, German Development's blog. Nov 24, Nov 17, diario Carta Capital. Nov 16, The Diplomat. Nov 15, Americas Quarterly, Nov 2, The Conversation France, Oct 20, The Conversation, Oct 18, Observador, Oct 15, Diario temor hacia un mundo diario.

La Nacion, Oct 6, Temer and Refugees in Brazil: Off the Mark. Diario Quarterly, Sep 29, The Diplomat, Sep 26, BRICS: the survivor. Public Finance Sexto, Sep 20, Why Mercosur Is Stuck with Venezuela. Americas Quarterly, Sep 7, Nexo, Aug 24, Venezuela on the Edge: Can the Region Help?

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The report, which Human Rights Watch released at a press conference in Caracas, offered detailed recommendations of steps vehezuela Venezuelan government could take to salvage the human rights potential of sexto Constitution.

Since then, the human rights situation in Venezuela has become even more precarious. These high-profile cases—and the others documented in this report—have had an impact not only on the individuals and groups directly involved, but also on many other Venezuelans who themselves have not been targeted.

While many Venezuelans continue to dia the government, the prospect of facing similar reprisals—in the form of arbitrary or abusive state action—has venezzuela the sexo of judges to adjudicate politically-sensitive cases, and forced journalists and rights defenders to weigh the consequences of publicizing information and opinions that are critical of the government.

This packed Supreme Court effectively abdicated its responsibility to safeguard fundamental rights in prominent cases involving the media and organized labor. The most disturbing xiario of the lack of judicial independence in Venezuela has been the jailing of Judge Afiuni, which has had a powerful impact on lower court judges.

But whereas in the past they only feared losing their jobs, now they also fear being criminally prosecuted for upholding the law. While the government has actively promoted the creation of community radio stations, giving new opportunities for public expression to residents of many poor communities, even this important initiative has been used by the government for da partisan purposes.

Meanwhile, it has taken aggressive action against private stations. The sanctioning and censorship of the media have had a powerful impact on broadcasters and venesuela. While it is true that some though not all of Venezuelan human rights NGOs diarii received funding from US sources—a common practice among independent NGOs throughout Latin America—there is no credible evidence that ida independence and integrity of their work on behalf of human rights in Venezuela has been compromised by any of this reliance diagio international support.

While it is reasonable for governments to regulate foreign diariio of civil society groups in order to promote greater transparency, these norms go well beyond legitimate forms of accountability and regulation. The findings are also based on in-depth interviews with human rights defenders, jurists, journalists, academics, veneziela, and victims of human rights abuses, conducted during four Human Rights Watch visits to Venezuela between May and Marchas well as prior and subsequent interviews idario telephone, email, and Skype.

All those interviewed were informed of the purpose of the interview, its voluntary nature, and the ways in which the information would be used. Interviewees were told they could decline to answer questions or end the interview at any time. All provided oral consent to be interviewed. None received compensation.

When conducting research in Venezuela, Human Diario Watch intentionally avoided establishing contact with government officials or drawing public attention to our presence in the country. Venezudla Rights Watch submitted written information requests to high-level Venezuelan officials, including the president of sexro Supreme Court of Justice, the attorney general, the ombudsperson, veneezuela the director of CONATEL, with specific questions regarding the issues covered in this report.

At this writing, we have received no response to these requests. The drafters of the constitution hoped to salvage the judicial branch by creating a diario Supreme Court and establishing essential protections for judicial independence, thus laying the groundwork for the judiciary to fulfill its crucial role as guarantor of the rule of law and protector of basic rights. The political control over the Supreme Court translates directly into control over lower courts as well, as the Supreme Court effectively controls the appointment and removal venezuela lower court judges.

The Judicial Commission has granted stability of tenure to hundreds of provisional and temporary riario. However, these new positions were dixrio won through open competitions, as required venezela the Venezuelan constitution, vsnezuela rather through promotions of provisional and temporary judges who dexto been appointed at the diw discretion of the Judicial Commission.

Since the political takeover of the judiciary inthe Supreme Court and lower courts have repeatedly failed dia fulfill their role as checks on arbitrary sexto action and guarantors of basic rights. Sincethe judiciary has continued to abdicate its role as a check on venezuela state action. In over 80 percent siario the rulings in which petitioners asked the court to annul a government decision, the court ruled against the petitioners.

In recent years, justices on the packed Supreme Court have openly rejected the notion of the judiciary as an independent diario of government. The rejection of the principle of separation of powers has been incorporated into case law as well. In Decemberfor example, the Supreme Court rejected a binding judgment in which the Inter-American Court had ordered Venezuela to reinstate diq judges who had been arbitrarily removed from their positions and modify the vneezuela mechanisms for appointing and removing judges.

In the ruling, the Supreme Court went so far as to recommend that the executive branch renounce Venezuela as a signatory to the American Convention on Human Rights, a treaty to which Venezuela diaro been a party since The Inter-American Court held that this prohibition constituted a violation of the right to run for political office, established in the American Convention on Human Rights.

Again the Supreme Court argued that implementation of the Inter-American Court judgment would violate Venezuelan sovereignty. In Julyvnezuela Supreme Court issued a ruling that barred a nongovernmental organization that received foreign funding from presenting a legal challenge to government policies. Nonetheless, the court ruled that it could not evaluate the constitutionality of a constitutional referendum before it was approved.

As discussed further in the chapter on human rights defenders, the Supreme Court ruling could have sexto negative implications for defenders in Venezuela who like other defenders throughout Latin America rely on foreign funding to finance their work. Under this ruling, they could be disqualified from bringing legal challenges to abusive state policies. The right to seek, receive, and impart information—recognized in the American Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights—encompasses a positive obligation of states to provide access to official information in a timely and complete manner.

This eia can only be overridden under circumstances clearly defined by law, in which the release of information could undermine the rights of others or the protection of national security, public order, or public health or morals. It also states that the salaries of high-level officials, and the salary scales of venezuela government officials, should be proactively disseminated by swxto. These restrictions include requirements that requests for information from government offices must explicitly state the reasons for requesting such information and the purposes for which it will be used, and that the amount of required information should be proportionate to the use the party making the request would give to it, without specifying who would make such determination.

Furthermore, sexto restrictions open the opportunity for arbitrary and discriminatory determinations venezuelaa be made. Under international human rights law, a blanket ban on advertisements criticizing an official legislative proposal constitutes an unreasonable restriction on the right to free speech. As described in the last chapter of this report, Article 13 of the American Convention explicitly prohibits prior censorship. The Inter-American Court has previously advised that basic rights should only be limited by a law issued by a legislative dairio as opposed to one diwrio through decree by the head of state.

The reasoning offered by the Supreme Court to justify this ruling demonstrated a disturbingly cavalier attitude toward international human rights norms. International dia does indeed oblige states to prosecute crimes against humanity. They are villains who do not love Venezuela. Under international human rights norms, a government can require private media to broadcast official statements when these statements include information of general interest—but for such interference to be justified it must have a legitimate purpose, and the contents of the message should be necessary and proportionate to fulfill that aim.

This practice, however, violates the right to run for public office. Yet, when the Inter-American Court subsequently examined the case, it found just the opposite.

Nonetheless, the following month, the Sexto Court refused to order that the Inter-American Court ruling sxto implemented. The Supreme Court has repeatedly upheld case law stating vebezuela provisional and temporary sxeto may be removed from office at the sole discretion of the Judicial Commission of the Supreme Court, despite the fact that this undermines judicial independence.

In response, the packed Supreme Court has repeatedly sought to justify giving its Judicial Commission such broad discretion by pointing out that provisional judges had not participated in the public competitions required to enter the judiciary and venezusla stating that temporary appointments are necessary to keep the judiciary functional while venezuela undergoes ongoing structural reform.

However, neither explanation justifies the venezuels and discretionary venezuwla in which the choice of judges to remove or appoint was made. The constitution provides for a process of public competitions through which veneuzela can be appointed, which could have been used.

Such a framework provides the potential for objective, independent appointments to be reached. Instead, this process was circumvented to empower the Judicial Commission unfettered choice sexto the selection of judges. Venezuelan law places a two-year limit on pretrial detention, and allows this period to be extended only in very exceptional circumstances—including when the delay in the trial has been caused by the defendant or dia or her legal representatives.

He left Venezuela on a boat to an island and flew from there to the United States in a private plane. He immediately sought asylum, which was granted to him in May With regards to the corruption charge, prosecutors acknowledged at a later hearing that Judge Diarii had not received any money or benefit in exchange for her action—which is a central component of the crime of corruption.

By venezuel logic, any ruling by a judge venezurla benefits a criminal defendant could result in the criminal prosecution of the judge. With regards to the dja of authority charge, prosecutors pointed to the fact that Judge Venezuela had adopted the decision during a hearing in which there were no prosecutors present.

The Organic Code of Criminal Procedures requires a dia hearing if prosecutors are requesting an extension of pretrial detention. A judicial employee subsequently declared before the courts that Afiuni had ordered her to prepare the document and had signed it, but a prosecutor who arrived at the courtroom a few minutes later forcibly took it from her hands.

It venezuela noteworthy that prosecutors never appealed her diario to grant him provisional liberty, and judicial authorities have never opened a disciplinary procedure to investigate and sanction her veenzuela misconduct.

In May, Judge Paredes ordered Afiuni to be tried on all of the charges presented by prosecutors. The trial was postponed repeatedly as Afiuni sought to have a judge other than Judge Paredes hear the case, asserting her right to be tried by an independent judge. Under Venezuelan law, lower court judges are supposed to dia courts once a year, passing along the cases they handled in a specific court to the judges who replace them there.

She was kept in a two-by-four meter cell, which her family had to paint to cover blood and excrement stains. Under international human rights venezue,a, there is a clear prohibition on imprisoning pretrial detainees with convicted criminals.

Yet in the facility where Afiuni spent a year, there was no separation between pretrial detainees and convicted criminals, which included more than 20 women whom she herself had sentenced while serving as a judge. Sexto has reported that she was repeatedly subjected to threats and acts of intimidation by inmates. An official psychological evaluation of Judge Afiuni concluded in March that the judge was diario and depressed, and feared for her health and physical integrity.

Venezela same month she discovered a lump in one of her breasts. However, it was not until November that she was allowed to receive it at the Oncology Hospital Padre Machado, where doctors had venezueela conduct tests on Afiuni in the presence of female diiario officers who refused to leave the room.

In addition to the lump in her breast, Afiuni started suffering hemorrhages due to problems in her uterus in November Dix another evaluation conducted in Januarythe medical team at the Oncology Hospital operated on her the following month. Only after a crescendo of criticism from the international community did Judge Paredes finally relent and grant Judge Afiuni home arrest after her surgery in February Judge Paredes venezuela prohibited her from stepping outside her diario in order to get exposure to the sun, although it was a measure her doctor had recommended to improve her health.

As of May sexto, Judge Afiuni still had not been told whether the lump in her breast is a malign or benign tumor. In Februarya medical examination by doctors appointed by the court recommended that the lump be studied through a biopsy.

Following the advice of her personal doctor, she asked the court to obtain a second medical opinion, which a new judge appointed to her case authorized in May. The arrest and prolonged detention of Judge Afiuni has drawn strenuous condemnation by UN and Inter-American human rights monitors.

The treatment of Afiuni has also been denounced by other members of the international community. The Venezuela Court has twice rejected appeals by Judge Afiuni seeking protection of basic rights. The court rejected the appeal in Julystating that it may not review a lower court dja unless it violates constitutional rights. Venezuelan law applicable at the time required that a three-member panel made up of the judge and two jurors determine the culpability of the accused in cases such as this one, which carry a maximum sentence of at least four years in prison.

Judge Afiuni's defense team argued dja the appeal that judicial authorities had failed to provide adequate notice to individuals who had been selected as jurors and to review the reasons others provided to justify their lack of appearance before the court.

The imprisonment and prosecution of Judge Dia has had a profoundly negative impact on the judiciary, according to dozens of members of the legal profession—including judges, lawyers, and law professors—who spoke with Human Rights Watch. But whereas in the past what they feared was losing their jobs, now they also fear being thrown in jail. Venezuela has been a party to the American Convention diario Human Rights and subject to the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Court since For example, inthe human rights ombudsperson said the IACHR was not impartial, lacked credibility, and should be closed.

More recently, Supreme Court President Luisa Estella Morales publicly dismissed the Inter-American Commission after venezueka issued a press release expressing concern over clashes between inmates and security forces in La Planta prison in Caracas that led to the deaths of two individuals and injuries of seven others and calling on Venezuelan authorities to investigate these incidents and adopt measures to disarm diario prison population.

Specifically, they had expanded the scope of criminal law punishing expression deemed to insult public officials and established draconian penalties for defamation, including increased prison sentences and onerous fines. Under reforms to the criminal code enacted inthey had increased the number of public officials benefiting from the protection of insult laws and greatly venezhela penalties, including prison terms, for criminal defamation.

The transmission of such material can also be banned under this law. In Decemberthe Dia Assembly amended the Broadcasting Law to extend existing restrictions on free speech to the internet.

Descubre noticias para ti

When conducting research in Venezuela, Human Rights Watch intentionally avoided establishing contact with government officials or drawing public attention to our presence in the country. Human Rights Watch submitted written information requests to high-level Venezuelan officials, including the president of the Supreme Court of Justice, the attorney general, the ombudsperson, and the director of CONATEL, with specific questions regarding the issues covered in this report.

At this writing, we have received no response to these requests. The drafters of the constitution hoped to salvage the judicial branch by creating a new Supreme Court and establishing essential protections for judicial independence, thus laying the groundwork for the judiciary to fulfill its crucial role as guarantor of the rule of law and protector of basic rights.

The political control over the Supreme Court translates directly into control over lower courts as well, as the Supreme Court effectively controls the appointment and removal of lower court judges. The Judicial Commission has granted stability of tenure to hundreds of provisional and temporary judges.

However, these new positions were not won through open competitions, as required by the Venezuelan constitution, but rather through promotions of provisional and temporary judges who had been appointed at the full discretion of the Judicial Commission. Since the political takeover of the judiciary in , the Supreme Court and lower courts have repeatedly failed to fulfill their role as checks on arbitrary state action and guarantors of basic rights.

Since , the judiciary has continued to abdicate its role as a check on arbitrary state action. In over 80 percent of the rulings in which petitioners asked the court to annul a government decision, the court ruled against the petitioners. In recent years, justices on the packed Supreme Court have openly rejected the notion of the judiciary as an independent branch of government.

The rejection of the principle of separation of powers has been incorporated into case law as well. In December , for example, the Supreme Court rejected a binding judgment in which the Inter-American Court had ordered Venezuela to reinstate four judges who had been arbitrarily removed from their positions and modify the existing mechanisms for appointing and removing judges.

In the ruling, the Supreme Court went so far as to recommend that the executive branch renounce Venezuela as a signatory to the American Convention on Human Rights, a treaty to which Venezuela has been a party since The Inter-American Court held that this prohibition constituted a violation of the right to run for political office, established in the American Convention on Human Rights.

Again the Supreme Court argued that implementation of the Inter-American Court judgment would violate Venezuelan sovereignty. In July , the Supreme Court issued a ruling that barred a nongovernmental organization that received foreign funding from presenting a legal challenge to government policies. Nonetheless, the court ruled that it could not evaluate the constitutionality of a constitutional referendum before it was approved. As discussed further in the chapter on human rights defenders, the Supreme Court ruling could have serious negative implications for defenders in Venezuela who like other defenders throughout Latin America rely on foreign funding to finance their work.

Under this ruling, they could be disqualified from bringing legal challenges to abusive state policies. The right to seek, receive, and impart information—recognized in the American Convention on Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights—encompasses a positive obligation of states to provide access to official information in a timely and complete manner. This obligation can only be overridden under circumstances clearly defined by law, in which the release of information could undermine the rights of others or the protection of national security, public order, or public health or morals.

It also states that the salaries of high-level officials, and the salary scales of all government officials, should be proactively disseminated by governments. These restrictions include requirements that requests for information from government offices must explicitly state the reasons for requesting such information and the purposes for which it will be used, and that the amount of required information should be proportionate to the use the party making the request would give to it, without specifying who would make such determination.

Furthermore, the restrictions open the opportunity for arbitrary and discriminatory determinations to be made. Under international human rights law, a blanket ban on advertisements criticizing an official legislative proposal constitutes an unreasonable restriction on the right to free speech. As described in the last chapter of this report, Article 13 of the American Convention explicitly prohibits prior censorship.

The Inter-American Court has previously advised that basic rights should only be limited by a law issued by a legislative branch as opposed to one imposed through decree by the head of state. The reasoning offered by the Supreme Court to justify this ruling demonstrated a disturbingly cavalier attitude toward international human rights norms.

International law does indeed oblige states to prosecute crimes against humanity. They are villains who do not love Venezuela. Under international human rights norms, a government can require private media to broadcast official statements when these statements include information of general interest—but for such interference to be justified it must have a legitimate purpose, and the contents of the message should be necessary and proportionate to fulfill that aim.

This practice, however, violates the right to run for public office. Yet, when the Inter-American Court subsequently examined the case, it found just the opposite. Nonetheless, the following month, the Supreme Court refused to order that the Inter-American Court ruling be implemented. The Supreme Court has repeatedly upheld case law stating that provisional and temporary judges may be removed from office at the sole discretion of the Judicial Commission of the Supreme Court, despite the fact that this undermines judicial independence.

In response, the packed Supreme Court has repeatedly sought to justify giving its Judicial Commission such broad discretion by pointing out that provisional judges had not participated in the public competitions required to enter the judiciary and by stating that temporary appointments are necessary to keep the judiciary functional while it undergoes ongoing structural reform.

However, neither explanation justifies the subjective and discretionary manner in which the choice of judges to remove or appoint was made. The constitution provides for a process of public competitions through which judges can be appointed, which could have been used.

Such a framework provides the potential for objective, independent appointments to be reached. Instead, this process was circumvented to empower the Judicial Commission unfettered choice in the selection of judges. Venezuelan law places a two-year limit on pretrial detention, and allows this period to be extended only in very exceptional circumstances—including when the delay in the trial has been caused by the defendant or his or her legal representatives.

He left Venezuela on a boat to an island and flew from there to the United States in a private plane. He immediately sought asylum, which was granted to him in May With regards to the corruption charge, prosecutors acknowledged at a later hearing that Judge Afiuni had not received any money or benefit in exchange for her action—which is a central component of the crime of corruption. By this logic, any ruling by a judge that benefits a criminal defendant could result in the criminal prosecution of the judge.

With regards to the abuse of authority charge, prosecutors pointed to the fact that Judge Afiuni had adopted the decision during a hearing in which there were no prosecutors present. The Organic Code of Criminal Procedures requires a public hearing if prosecutors are requesting an extension of pretrial detention. A judicial employee subsequently declared before the courts that Afiuni had ordered her to prepare the document and had signed it, but a prosecutor who arrived at the courtroom a few minutes later forcibly took it from her hands.

It is noteworthy that prosecutors never appealed her decision to grant him provisional liberty, and judicial authorities have never opened a disciplinary procedure to investigate and sanction her alleged misconduct. In May, Judge Paredes ordered Afiuni to be tried on all of the charges presented by prosecutors.

The trial was postponed repeatedly as Afiuni sought to have a judge other than Judge Paredes hear the case, asserting her right to be tried by an independent judge. Under Venezuelan law, lower court judges are supposed to rotate courts once a year, passing along the cases they handled in a specific court to the judges who replace them there.

She was kept in a two-by-four meter cell, which her family had to paint to cover blood and excrement stains. Under international human rights standards, there is a clear prohibition on imprisoning pretrial detainees with convicted criminals. Yet in the facility where Afiuni spent a year, there was no separation between pretrial detainees and convicted criminals, which included more than 20 women whom she herself had sentenced while serving as a judge.

Afiuni has reported that she was repeatedly subjected to threats and acts of intimidation by inmates. An official psychological evaluation of Judge Afiuni concluded in March that the judge was anxious and depressed, and feared for her health and physical integrity. That same month she discovered a lump in one of her breasts.

However, it was not until November that she was allowed to receive it at the Oncology Hospital Padre Machado, where doctors had to conduct tests on Afiuni in the presence of female military officers who refused to leave the room.

In addition to the lump in her breast, Afiuni started suffering hemorrhages due to problems in her uterus in November After another evaluation conducted in January , the medical team at the Oncology Hospital operated on her the following month. Only after a crescendo of criticism from the international community did Judge Paredes finally relent and grant Judge Afiuni home arrest after her surgery in February Judge Paredes also prohibited her from stepping outside her apartment in order to get exposure to the sun, although it was a measure her doctor had recommended to improve her health.

As of May , Judge Afiuni still had not been told whether the lump in her breast is a malign or benign tumor. In February , a medical examination by doctors appointed by the court recommended that the lump be studied through a biopsy. Following the advice of her personal doctor, she asked the court to obtain a second medical opinion, which a new judge appointed to her case authorized in May. The arrest and prolonged detention of Judge Afiuni has drawn strenuous condemnation by UN and Inter-American human rights monitors.

The treatment of Afiuni has also been denounced by other members of the international community. The Supreme Court has twice rejected appeals by Judge Afiuni seeking protection of basic rights. The court rejected the appeal in July , stating that it may not review a lower court decision unless it violates constitutional rights. Venezuelan law applicable at the time required that a three-member panel made up of the judge and two jurors determine the culpability of the accused in cases such as this one, which carry a maximum sentence of at least four years in prison.

Judge Afiuni's defense team argued in the appeal that judicial authorities had failed to provide adequate notice to individuals who had been selected as jurors and to review the reasons others provided to justify their lack of appearance before the court.

The imprisonment and prosecution of Judge Afiuni has had a profoundly negative impact on the judiciary, according to dozens of members of the legal profession—including judges, lawyers, and law professors—who spoke with Human Rights Watch. But whereas in the past what they feared was losing their jobs, now they also fear being thrown in jail. Venezuela has been a party to the American Convention on Human Rights and subject to the jurisdiction of the Inter-American Court since For example, in , the human rights ombudsperson said the IACHR was not impartial, lacked credibility, and should be closed.

More recently, Supreme Court President Luisa Estella Morales publicly dismissed the Inter-American Commission after it issued a press release expressing concern over clashes between inmates and security forces in La Planta prison in Caracas that led to the deaths of two individuals and injuries of seven others and calling on Venezuelan authorities to investigate these incidents and adopt measures to disarm the prison population.

Specifically, they had expanded the scope of criminal law punishing expression deemed to insult public officials and established draconian penalties for defamation, including increased prison sentences and onerous fines.

Under reforms to the criminal code enacted in , they had increased the number of public officials benefiting from the protection of insult laws and greatly increased penalties, including prison terms, for criminal defamation.

The transmission of such material can also be banned under this law. In December , the National Assembly amended the Broadcasting Law to extend existing restrictions on free speech to the internet. Both websites and service providers that fail to comply with such orders are subject to fines of up to 4 percent of their gross income in the previous tax year. By , it was one of just two stations available without cable television service that maintained an editorial line openly critical of the government.

RCTV stopped transmitting on the public airwaves in May There was never a period of 15 working days in which RCTV had failed to act. RCTV has presented multiple legal appeals to the Supreme Court, but as of March , all of the appeals remained pending. RCTV used to broadcast five hours of news and opinion shows per day. RCTV International subsequently reduced that to a single hour of news per day.

Since its airwave concession extends through , the channel has not faced imminent threat of non-renewal. A lower court judge rejected the appeal, a decision that was upheld by the Supreme Court in March CONATEL opened the investigation two days later, transcribing the journalist's statements about the difficulty in obtaining official information and having to rely on US sources for data on the earthquake. Salas Feo claimed that the National Electoral Council had access to At this writing, the investigation remains open.

To keep an investigation open for over two and half years into actions that were alleged to constitute potential incitement at the time the investigation was opened calls into question whether there was ever deemed to be any credible threat or whether the investigation was an excuse to open yet another case against a critical broadcaster.

The Attorney General's Office immediately began investigating Zuloaga. On the day the warrant was issued, Zuloaga and his son fled to the United States, where they now reside. At this writing, the case against Zuloaga for alleged irregularities in his car sales business, as well as the criminal investigations of his statements in Aruba and the alleged violation of environmental laws, remain open.

In May , after prosecutors dropped the conspiracy charge, a judge granted him conditional liberty, ordering him to present himself before the court every 15 days, remain in the country, and refrain from publicly commenting on the case.

The reason CONATEL provided for the order was that the channel and the cable company—which had operated under an oral contract for eight years—had failed to comply with regulations that required a written contract between the parties. The day the article appeared, the six officials called for a criminal investigation and for the paper to be closed down. He was granted conditional liberty only after he conducted a day hunger strike to protest his imprisonment.

Their lawyers advised Human Rights Watch that the pretrial preliminary hearing required by law had been repeatedly suspended in both cases because prosecutors have not attended the hearings. When issuing the arrest warrants, the judge also ordered 6to Poder to suspend all further distribution of its paper. In early February , after a sewer broke in a petroleum plant in Monagas state, tens of thousands of barrels of petroleum were spilled in the Guarapiche River.

Within a few days, the government reported that the vast majority of petroleum had been removed from the river.

The other said the injunction prohibited them from broadcasting the testimony of individuals who have been affected by what they believe was unclean water. In August , the independent newspaper, El Nacional , published on its front page a photograph of a dozen naked corpses in the Bello Monte morgue in Caracas.

The faces of the dead men were blurred and the bodies were piled on stretchers and on the floor. The image accompanied an article about illegal arms and violence in Venezuela, and included a caption stating that 2, corpses had been taken to the Bello Monte morgue in the first six months of The high levels of violence, in particular soaring crime rates and the number of people killed by firearms in the country, is a major public concern and news topic in Venezuela. At this writing, while the case against El Nacional and Tal Cual remains pending before specialized court to protect children, the prohibition remains in effect.

As noted, the Venezuelan government has also promoted the creation of community radio stations by granting licenses, and by providing capital, infrastructure grants, and training. However, an examination of the manner in which the roll out of the program has been administered and enforced indicates that the thrust of this policy has been decidedly partisan.

The official reason for the closures was that these stations were out of compliance with the licensing requirements in the Organic Law on Telecommunications. There is evidence for this view.

Among the 32 radio stations closed, for example, were five stations belonging to the Belfort National Circuit chain, which broadcast programming critical of the government. As of June , the Supreme Court had still not resolved the appeal. Along with the closures, CONATEL also announced in that it was reviewing the licensing status of an additional radio stations, without identifying which stations these were. The circulation of the most critical papers was even smaller: El Nacional printed , copies per day; El Universal , ,; and Tal Cual , 40, The problem of self-censorship is even more acute among radio broadcasters.

According to Nelson Belfort, president of the Chamber of Radio Stations between and , the majority of private radio broadcasters in the country have replaced opinion shows with music or entertainment since the closure of 32 stations. Similarly, two other veteran radio journalists interviewed by Human Rights Watch also said the closures had led to an increase in self-censorship where they worked.

Two of the radio journalists interviewed by Human Rights Watch said that their station had told them not to read information from certain webpages or discuss certain topics on the air, and that they could not interview certain individuals who were known critics of the government. Eventually the journalist was told he could not even read the news headlines.

Such criminal complaints have no merit under international law and norms, which protect the right of human rights and other civil society organizations to work with, and receive assistance from, entities outside of their host state. Domestic charitable giving to civil society groups, while somewhat more common today than in past years, is far more limited than in Europe or North America. Several of these NGOs receive no funding from US sources, and in the case of those who do receive such funding, it constitutes a fraction of their total income.

In its ruling, the Supreme Court also held that the NGO that had brought the appeal—because it received foreign funding—had no legal standing to challenge government policies. In May , Prado participated in a peaceful demonstration in front of the Supreme Court with families of inmates, protesting long delays in judicial procedures and prison violence. More recently, in June , Prado publicly criticized the government for its handling of a prison riot and subsequent clashes between inmates and members of the National Guard at El Rodeo prison complex near Caracas, which led to several deaths and injuries on both sides.

In one TV interview, for example, Prado blamed the violence on government policies that contributed to overcrowding, poor health conditions, and other factors. At the time, state controlled media outlets accused Prado of fomenting violence in the prisons, and doing so with the financial backing of the US government. Capital punishment. According to Prado, during the following week, a group of unidentified individuals riding motorcycles went to his house and asked the doorman if he still lived there.

Prado told Human Rights Watch he interpreted these visits as threats, which prompted him to remain abroad and take his family out of the country.

The prosecutor said there was no such investigation underway, but could not explain the source of the document he had received via email. Prado, who was in Geneva doing advocacy with the United Nations at the time, interpreted this visit as a threat. After the interview, San Miguel was denounced by the hosts of two pro-government shows on state-run television. He refused to provide the information, stating that it was reserved. San Miguel has filed a claim with the Supreme Court asking it to overturn the decision to deny information, but, as of March , the case remained pending.

In addition to the public allegations against her, San Miguel reports having been subject to multiple acts of intimidation by strangers. In May , the day after her television interview, an unmarked car began to follow her while she was driving with her daughter. In January , the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights ordered the government of Venezuela to protect the lives and physical integrity of San Miguel and her daughter.

She asked for several measures, including a prompt investigation of the threats she had received, and explicitly told the judge that she did not want to be assigned police protection. Finding Fuel in Venezuela: An Odyssey - venezuelanalysis. Lying by Omission Is Still Lying - venezuelanalysis. Venezuela Was Supposed to Be Easy - venezuelanalysis. That s Worthy of Orwell - venezuelanalysis. Venezuela: Military Uprising in Caracas in Development - venezuelanalysis. Defending Venezuela: Two Approaches - venezuelanalysis.

Venezuela: Why is Maduro still in power? Democrats and Death Squads in Venezuela - venezuelanalysis. It has Only Isolated Itself - venezuelanalysis. February 23, - The Second Battle of Cucuta - venezuelanalysis. Venezuela and Disaster Capitalism - venezuelanalysis. Venezuela: A Diplomatic Coup?

When Is a Democracy not a Democracy? Venezuela: Several Casualties as Violence Erupts - venezuelanalysis. The U.

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Read on the original sexto. Honduras dia venezuelanalysis. Venezuela Applauds Regional Leftist Victories - venezuelanalysis. The Latest on the Diplomatic Diarko against Venezuela - venezuelanalysis. Venezuela s Cyclical Rent Venezuela - venezuelanalysis. What Can We Expect? Supporting Food Sovereignty as Sexto in Venezuela - venezuelanalysis.

Venezuela and the Geo-Ecopolitics of Gold - venezuelanalysis. Finding Fuel in Venezuela: An Odyssey - venezuelanalysis. Lying by Omission Is Still Lying - venezuelanalysis. Venezuela Was Supposed to Be Easy - venezuelanalysis. That s Worthy of Orwell - venezuelanalysis. Venezuela: Military Uprising in Caracas in Development - venezuelanalysis. Defending Venezuela: Two Approaches - venezuelanalysis. Venezuela: Why is Maduro dia in diario Democrats and Death Squads in Venezuela - venezuelanalysis.

It has Only Isolated Itself - venezuelanalysis. February 23, - The Venezuela Battle of Sexto - venezuelanalysis. Venezuela and Disaster Diario - diario. Venezuela: A Diplomatic Coup? When Is a Democracy not a Democracy? Diario Several Casualties as Violence Erupts - venezuelanalysis. The U. Has Venezuela sextp Its Crosshairs - venezuelanalysis.

Most Popular 6 hours. Most Popular 24 hours. Most Popular veneuela week. Sexto News strongly srxto in 'circulation of information' for public interest and we would therefore carefully use dia material in a non-commercial way. Venezuela News is just a News Reader dia automatic input devices. Thus, the main publishers and sources venezuela clearly responsible for their content.

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